This piece that was co-authored with Dr Francis Hutchinson of ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute was first published in Fulcrum on 6 May 2025, here.
Abdullah Badawi’s brand melded the best of two worlds, namely rising living standards and technological ambition minus the angst and aggression of the Mahathir period.
Abdullah Badawi, Malaysia’s fifth prime minister, passed away on 14 April. Fondly known as “Pak Lah”, he was in office from 2003 to 2009. He is best remembered for the see-saw in Barisan Nasional’s (BN) electoral fortunes: the massive electoral victory in 2004 which netted 90 per cent of seats in Parliament, and the coalition’s loss of its two-thirds parliamentary majority four years later.
Abdullah Badawi came to power just after Mahathir Mohamed, who had ruled Malaysia for 22 years. Hailing from a religious but multi-ethnic background, Pak Lah was known as “Mr Clean” and preferred a consensual approach. His brand promised the best of both worlds, namely a focus on rising living standards and technological ambitions — but minus Mahathir’s angst and aggression.
One of Pak Lah’s most significant achievements was a focus on good governance, in particular combating corruption. He transformed the Anti-Corruption Agency (ACA) into the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC), a larger and more institutionalised organisation with wider-ranging powers. Amongst the MACC’s early cases were Perwaja Steel and Port Klang Free Zone (PKFZ), both examples of failed mega-infrastructure projects and crony capitalism linked to Mahathir.
In 2004, Abdullah Badawi formed a Royal Commission of Inquiry (RCI) to enhance the performance of the Royal Malaysia Police. This came at a time when the force faced mounting allegations of abuse, deaths in custody and corruption. The RCI recommended establishing an Independent Police Complaints and Misconduct Commission. The recommendation held promise but was strongly opposed by the police force — foreshadowing the structural constraints on his leadership.
Beyond the measures he implemented, Pak Lah’s most important legacy is what he did not do — namely misuse the awe-inspiring authoritarian apparatus at his disposal.
Pak Lah advocated Islam Hadhari, a form of moderate Islam promoting harmony and inclusivity. He opened up spaces for conversations around current issues, including religion, and proposed establishing the Interfaith Commission of Malaysia. Although the proposal was shelved after intense opposition, unofficial groups continued to foster interfaith dialogue, including events and television shows such as “Dialogue Harmony”. This new zeitgeist also included greater political freedoms. It was under his leadership that current Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim was released from prison in 2004.
Abdullah Badawi’s administration had a special focus on education. His National Education Blueprint 2006-2010 aimed to improve access to education, raise quality and efficiency, and promote language proficiency and human capital development. His administration also emphasised regional development, agriculture, and support for small and medium enterprises.
Pak Lah’s first general election was held in 2004, one year after his ascent to power. Malaysians enthusiastically gave the newly helmed BN an overwhelming mandate (Figure 1). However, this level of support did not last; Abdullah Badawi’s shine gradually lost its lustre. He led BN to a high-water mark in the 2004 elections, but it was downhill thereafter. After an initial flurry, his anti-corruption drive lost steam. The new freedoms of speech and media also allowed long-simmering tensions to bubble to the surface.
In 2007, the Lina Joy case took centre-stage. This involved a Muslim lady who attempted but failed to convert to Christianity. This sparked widespread discussion on the balance between constitutional rights and religious laws. In the same year, the Hindu Rights Action Force (HINDRAF) and first Bersih street rallies took place. The former focused on the position of Hindus in Malaysia and the latter on political freedoms and electoral reforms. These demonstrations put Abdullah Badawi in the awkward position of having to contain the forces he unleashed. Pak Lah also faced discontent within United Malays National Organization (UMNO), as alluded to in his 2009 speech on the future and survival of the party.
Pak Lah’s Shine Loses Its Lustre
Figure 1. Barisan Nasional’s Proportion of Seats in Parliament (1955-2018), in per cent
From the heights of 2004, BN’s cachet descended to the lows of 2008. That year’s election took place against the backdrop of the rallies, a growing perception that Pak Lah was “low energy”, and Mahathir’s constant carping. BN lost its two-thirds majority in Parliament as well as an unprecedented number of state governments. Unused to electoral drubbings and nervous about their own prospects, UMNO leaders such as Najib Razak and Muhyiddin Yassin pushed hard for him to cede power.
While Pak Lah presided over the electoral decline, there were deeper forces at play. The groundswell against BN had actually begun before 1999 with the drift away from Mahathir in the wake of Anwar Ibrahim’s sacking. The 2004 electoral boom was also a one-off bump in a long-term tail-spin. This was due to dynamics like slower economic growth after the Asian Financial Crisis, higher rates of urbanisation (which were at odds with BN’s traditional rural focus), a more diverse media landscape, and a more consolidated opposition. Indeed, Pak Lah’s successor Najib Razak went on to witness further disappointment in 2013. Five years later, BN suffered a cataclysmic defeat in 2018 and lost its grip on power.
Some of Pak Lah’s reforms only yielded fruit long after they were implemented. A diluted version of the Independent Police Conduct Commission (IPCC) was eventually formed, and came officially into force in 2023. The blossoming of more open discussion set the nation on a course towards an examination of socio-economic policies and greater electoral freedom. Pak Lah’s collection of regional economic corridors, while not immediately impressive, highlighted the need to foster economic growth outside the Klang Valley.
Beyond the measures he implemented, Pak Lah’s most important legacy is what he did not do – namely misuse the awe-inspiring authoritarian apparatus at his disposal. Centralisation measures wrought by Mahathir within UMNO and the government had made the party president and Malaysian PM well-nigh invulnerable. After BN’s dismal performance in 2008, especially in Selangor, Abdullah Badawi stepped in to calm rising emotions within UMNO. He defied those wanting to “cause problems”, insisting that electoral loss was part of the democratic process and stating that “sometimes we win, sometimes we lose”.
Faced with increasingly strident calls from within and without UMNO to step down, Pak Lah could well have resisted. However, there were no media muzzles, party purges or constitutional conundrums for him. When the dust settled, Pak Lah read the room and then took his leave — like a gentleman.
