Free small businesses from price controls

First published in theSun on 16 February 2017, here.

UNDER the guise of helping the poor, countries under communist regimes in the past imposed one of the most disastrous economic interventions ever: price controls. The results in these countries are well-known: starvation, poverty and economic turmoil. It is therefore unclear why our government has not learnt this lesson.

Section 15 of the Price Control and Anti-Profiteering Act 2014 states that the minister of domestic trade, cooperatives and consumerism has the complete power to impose price controls whenever he feels that profits are “unreasonably high”. Under the new mechanism that was introduced for immediate implementation on Jan 1, 2017, the minister has the power to fine any business if it charges even one sen more than the past three years’ profit percentages.

This matters because it applies across the supply chain, whether you are a small farmer or large supermarket. Even more ludicrous is that it applies to all household goods, and food and beverage products – including brooms, brushes, biscuits and snacks. The policy will have serious consequences on people’s lives, and already has.

In May 2016, it was reported that a 32-year-old retail store operator in Kuantan was fined RM8,000 for failing to respond to a notice issued by the ministry.

He had been asked to justify why he sold a packet of laundry detergent for RM10.60 instead of RM9.90, which the government said was more justified – just a price difference of 70 sen.

A fine of RM8,000 may not sound like much to a big business, but it could definitely eat into the business savings of a small kedai runcit. One wonders whether his shop survived after having to pay the hefty amount.

Policies like these hit the small businesses the worst, because they do not have the resources, infrastructure or economies of scale to adapt as quickly as big businesses. They do not have the same connections needed either to voice out these concerns to policymakers, whether it is to big law firms, business chambers or politicians.

Thousands of stories like these mean that the country loses as much as US$12 billion a year on cumbersome business regulations, economic opportunities that we would have otherwise gained. The poorest of the poor are affected, and worse, it stifles their spirit of enterprise and efforts to get themselves out of poverty.

The signs are already showing. The SME growth rate fell by 20% from 2011 to 2015 (7.3% to 6.1%), and worse, the total early-stage entrepreneurial activity rate – or the start-up rate in short – fell by almost 50% from 2010 to 2016 (4.96% to 2.9%).

If this trend continues, this will be of great concern to the Malaysian economy, since at the moment SMEs contribute more than one third to the country’s GDP, at about 36.3% as at 2016. They are the true drivers of growth as they create jobs, and perhaps more importantly, they are the very epitome of human potential that strives against all odds to better their lives and that of their families.

The Act was passed in 2014 to ensure that businesses do not profiteer out of the newly-implemented GST that took effect in April 2015. Price controls were supposed to have a limited period, up to Dec 31, 2016. But lo and behold, at the end of last year, with very minimal consultation, the government announced that it would be continuing an adapted version of this mechanism to begin effective Jan 1, 2017.

At a consultation with businesses held earlier last month, however, it did not sound like the mechanism was very well or thoroughly thought through.

First, the formula that is used to calculate “unreasonable profits” is a one-size-fits-all, when we know that profit calculations in fact differ from industry to industry. It also means that new or old businesses have to apply the same formula to calculate their profits, when in reality a company that is four years old and relatively new might want to have a lower profit margin to capture its customer base first, compared to an older company of 20 years. Assuming that all businesses across the board should adopt a standardised formula tells us that the ministry knows nothing about how businesses actually operate. Small businesses and entrepreneurs may not have the appropriate data-storing technology to be able to trace their historical profit margins. Without such records, it will be difficult to justify their prices to the government whenever they come a calling.

Second, government officials are still unsure as to how the policy actually works as they did not know whether or not palm oil is included in this catch-all scheme. Does it mean that other products are given exemption on a case-by-case basis? It is also ludicrous to include livestock, since as one farmer put it succinctly, their cows decide whether or not they get fat. If they eat a lot, they put on weight; if they do not eat, then they would stay skinny.

Finally, one needs to ask how much the government is spending to enforce this policy. Is the government setting up yet another enforcement body? How many additional civil servants will need to be employed or designated for this task – which by the way will need to be enforced throughout the country?

Last year, a mamak shop in SS15 Subang Jaya was fined RM4,000 for charging RM1 more for nasi lemak. This is an outlet that I used to frequent often when I was younger and had all the time to hang out with friends over copious amounts of teh tarik. Fortunately, the shop seems to have survived. But one wonders how long such earnest businesses and traders can carry on if they are constantly under the threat of bureaucratic government policies and their equally bureaucratic agents, especially if they are imposed with minimal consultation. Price controls are to be implemented indefinitely at this point. Worse, how many other foreign businesses might think twice about entering the Malaysian market given what seems to be an increase in such cumbersome business regulations? It is time to free small businesses from price controls.

Posted in Economics, Public Administration | Leave a comment

Can Trump’s policies affect Malaysia?

(first published in theSun on 2 February 2017 here).

AT least one of US President Donald Trump’s policies will have an impact on Malaysia. His decision to pull out of the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement (TPPA), in which Malaysia would have been one of the 12 participating countries, is widely known.

But there has been very little discussion – at least in the Malaysian context – about Trump and the Congressional Republicans’ plans this week to overturn a rule requiring US oil companies to disclose payments to governments outside of the US.

This rule (known as the Cardin-Lugar extractive industries payment transparency provision) was passed in 2010 as part of the Dodd-Frank Act, with the intention to detect (and deter) potential bribery in the resource sector.

For six years, oil companies publicly listed in the US fought its inclusion in the Dodd-Frank Act, the act that sought to reform Wall Street. It essentially requires any oil company that is listed in the US stock exchange (the SEC) to publish the amount of taxes, royalties and other payments to host countries for public viewing.

Many of the large oil companies fought against the rule arguing that it would impact upon their competitiveness. The American Petroleum Institute, for instance, stated that it would “give some large industry players an advantage on future business projects”. However, some of its members’ biggest competitors such as BP and Royal Dutch Shell already disclose payments to foreign governments as a result of similar requirements in the UK and the European Union. Companies have already disclosed payments of over US$150 billion to governments of over 100 countries to date and “none of the reporting companies have claimed that business has been negatively impacted through such disclosures”.

While it is true that overregulating industry often makes it cumbersome for the private sector to move efficiently, in this case the argument against burdensome regulation cannot be viewed so simplistically. And these companies cannot be equated with small and medium enterprises or entrepreneurs who are the ones that suffer the most at the hands of a big, highly regulated government. If we are to oppose regulation, it should be primarily for the sake of small, not big, business.

Why is this important and how would it affect us?

The natural resource sector is a multi-billion dollar industry, and in many resource-rich countries, oil companies both national and international have invested heavily into extracting their oil and gas – both at great cost and for great profit. The significance of oil to a country’s political economy is made even more evident when a large percentage of the country’s revenues are drawn from natural resources.

In fact, and my previous columns have highlighted this, a resource curse is known to occur in resource-rich countries, where instead of bringing greater growth and development, the reverse is true. Between 1960 and 1990, per capita incomes in resource-deficient countries grew two to three times faster than resource-reliant export-driven countries. A country is said to be resource-dependent if at least 26% of its national revenues come from the extractive industry.

Malaysia has up to recently drawn as much as 40% of its annual revenues from oil and gas – this includes large dividends from Petronas on top of other taxes and royalties paid by international oil companies that operate in the country. One of the main reasons this has fallen to a low of 19% in 2016 is because of the drastic fall in oil prices, which also accounts for the budget cuts in many ministries that we have now become familiar with (especially in higher education, but that is another story). If oil prices were to climb again, it is likely that extractives will continue to play a large role – as it has in the past – in Malaysia’s growth and development story.

The current rule requires companies listed in the US stock exchange to disclose payments they make to countries it operates in. Oil companies listed in the SEC currently operating in Malaysia include ExxonMobil and Chevron, both of which contribute significantly to our oil and gas sector. Exxon Mobil has four production sharing contracts (PSCs) with Petronas, “producing one-fifth of the nation’s oil production and about one-half of natural gas supplies to Peninsular Malaysia”, while Chevron is most visible through its network of Caltex service stations.

At the moment, the federal government does publish some financial information in its economic reports and annual budget documents, but these are consolidated and not disaggregated. It is unclear whether there are any other sources for researchers like me who are interested in oil and gas payments to the government of Malaysia.

It is important to have this information so that civil society as independent watchdogs of the government’s finances can keep government in check: in short, is the government disclosing that they are receiving the same amount of money that the companies say they are paying to government, and vice versa? Having two sources of information is crucial for this verification process.

Likewise, transparency advocates would argue the same for any disclosure around the world. Oil companies operate in countries that have questionable human rights records, including Saudi Arabia, Iraq and others. Equipping civil society and independent researchers with corroborative information on how much their governments receive from oil companies would help them build a comprehensive picture of the amount of actual wealth they receive from their extractive sector. Ultimately this allows us to follow the money trail all the way to how much government actually spends on long-term investment projects like schools, hospitals and public transport.

It would plug the information gap between what the Treasury reports as national revenues received from various sources, what it reports as having spent each year, and most importantly what the Auditor-General reports in its audits of government agencies, where wasteful spending is often highlighted. This would then quell any accusations about leakages from public funds.

If things go according to Trump’s plans – and let’s not forget that the new secretary of state is the former chief executive of ExxonMobil – the congressional votes will pass as expected in the coming week (all that is required are simple majority votes, as per the Congressional Review Act). This will remove an opportunity for greater transparency in the oil industry that would have contributed to the better governance of numerous countries around the world, Malaysia included.

Posted in Economics, Oil and Gas, Outside Malaysia, Transparency and Good Governance | Leave a comment

Adenan Satem’s Fight for Sarawak

First published in theSun here, on 19 January 2017

THE passing of Sarawak chief minister, the late Tan Sri Adenan Satem, last week sent political reverberations across the country.

Whither Sarawak in the next general election, many asked?

How exactly has he altered the political dynamics of a state that has hitherto been considered the proverbial “fixed deposit” for ruling coalition Barisan Nasional?

Was he really all that reformist as many purported him to be?

During his short tenure of almost three years, he brought with him a breath of fresh air. His predecessor, now state governor Tun Abdul Taib Mahmud, had been chief minister for 33 years, making him the longest serving chief minister in Malaysia.

Taib had been embroiled in accusations of political corruption and cronyism, particularly that related to deforestation.

In contrast, I recall Adenan taking on a Global Witness representative – the international NGO that produced a documentary uncovering how Taib and family by-passed Malaysian law to sell off Sarawak’s land – confidently on stage at the International Anti-Corruption Convention (IACC) in 2015, stating in no uncertain terms that his leadership would be different; one defined by transparency and cooperation with civil society.

Sure enough, he would go on to meet several high-profile anti-corruption activists to discuss how to work together.

But perhaps the biggest and most significant contribution Adenan made to Sarawak lies in his demands for greater state autonomy.

When, as a result of Petronas’s restructuring in Sarawak, 13 experienced staff members were retrenched, politicians from both sides of the divide called for the preservation of Petronas jobs for Sarawakians.

The angst was mainly targeted at peninsula-based Malaysians taking high-ranking positions that would otherwise have been reserved for locals – not the most ideal in terms of national unity across borders.

But recall that Sarawakians have long felt betrayed by the original commitment to be treated as partners, alongside Sabah, and equal to the peninsula as three separate entities under the Malaysia Agreement 1963, not merely as one of the 13 states.

Adenan emerged as a victor of sorts in August 2016, when he marched to Putrajaya and had a face-to-face negotiation with Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Abdul Razak and Petronas, at which a seven-point list of claims were presented, all of which were reportedly agreed to.

First, that a Sarawakian should be appointed on Petronas’s board of directors.

Second, that the then 192 vacant posts would be advertised in local papers and filled by Sarawakians.

Third, that Petronas would provide up to 50 places for Sarawakians to do undergraduate studies at University Technology Petronas.

Fourth, that Petronas would intensify technical training and enrol more Sarawakians in their training centres.

Fifth, that Petronas would support two petrochemical industries in the state.

Sixth, that the federal government would consider the Sarawak government’s intention to participate in Production Sharing Contracts (PSCs), and finally seventh, that Petronas would agree to recruit more Sarawakians from the non-executive to management levels.

This was a rare occasion in which a chief minister from a Barisan component party was negotiating with the Barisan head in rather opposition-like behaviour. In fact, one might argue that the entire push for greater autonomy presented a strange, unprecedented relationship within the political players in the state.

Here, we were presented with both the state government (led by Barisan Sarawak-based parties PBB and SUPP) and the opposition parties (led by DAP) united in their demands for more safeguards to protect local Sarawakian employment in Petronas.

In fact, the second big demand emerging from Adenan’s office was to increase the oil royalty from 5% to 20%, which ironically enough started off as a motion originally tabled by a DAP state assemblyman, but amended to include more development grants from the federal government and then subsequently tabled by a Barisan assemblyman.

The resolution was approved back in May 2014, just two months after Adenan took over office, in an unusual act of unanimous cooperation between parties from both sides. Such bilateral voting towards a common cause has almost never taken place in any other state, much less federal Parliament.

In another effort to negotiate for greater oil rights for Sarawak, Adenan announced in the June 2016 state assembly meeting that the state would develop a new regulatory framework with regard to territorial sea boundaries, alluding to his rejection of the Territorial Sea Act 2012 (TSA).

Once again, this has received backing from both the Barisan and opposition parties in Sarawak.

It is a complex issue, but in short: The TSA reduces the breadth limit of Sarawak and Sabah’s territorial waters – including their rights to fisheries, mineral resources and tourism sites – to three nautical miles from their coastlines.

The contention is that first, territorial sea is defined as 12 nautical miles for all other parts of Malaysia, whereas it is three nautical miles for Sabah and Sarawak, and for the purposes of oil and gas (which would also include Kelantan and Terengganu).

Second, it is argued that the TSA could in fact be unconstitutional, since any law altering the boundaries first requires the consent of that state via the state legislature, which, in this case, did not happen.

This is an important point of law, since it would determine how much of the revenues from minerals found offshore would eventually accrue to the state governments.

There are those who consider his demands for autonomy to be a nuisance, and an attempt to cause intentional friction for friction’s sake. In fact, it should also be said that the state government must be held equally responsible for how it manages its existing resources and not lay the entire blame on the federal government. Indeed, accountability and checks and balance are imperative.

However, in memory of the late Adenan, it is worth quoting his words in toto here, that in fact, “The state has no intention of wanting to weaken the Federation of Malaysia, as it is only claiming its rights enshrined under the Federal Constitution, (the) Malaysia Agreement 1963, the Malaysia Act, the Inter-Governmental Reports and Recommendations and the Cobbold Commision Report.

In fact, the willingness of the prime minister to negotiate with Sarawak in an effort to devolve power and return the autonomy powers of Sarawak, which has been eroded all this while, has enlivened the spirit of Sarawak to ensure Malaysia continues to remain strong” (2016 National Day Celebration).

Those are bold, strong words. But the fact that he needed to say them again 53 years after the formation of Malaysia in 1963 says something about how our Sarawak and Sabah neighbours feel.

Among the 18 points that were agreed to as conditions when Sarawak helped to form Malaysia were that there should be no state religion, English should be an official language, and that no withdrawal of any special safeguard to Sarawak should be made by the central government without concurrence by the Sarawak state government. Nothing new here – he was merely reiterating old points.

Adenan’s leadership has been characterised by a healthy assertion for decentralisation; let us not forget Malaysia is a federalist nation after all. However, whether or not this push for decentralisation continues is very much dependent on Datuk Abang Johari Abang Openg, the newly appointed chief minister.

He has in the past spoken publicly about Sarawakian autonomy, but we shall see if he keeps to his word and Adenan’s legacy.

——————————-

In memory of the late Tan Sri Adenan Satem, chief minister of Sarawak (1944 – 2017).

Posted in Federalism, Public Administration | Leave a comment

Fighting corruption a decade later

First published in theSun on 5 January 2017, here.

THE beginning of the year is as good a time as any to reflect upon the direction the country is heading towards.

Ten years ago, Malaysians were just beginning to appreciate the opening up of public space. Then prime minister Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, or more familiarly known as Pak Lah, had taken over in 2003, and then won a landslide victory for the ruling Barisan Nasional in 2004, riding on a wave of public confidence in his commitment to reforming a government that had lost a whopping 14 parliamentary seats in the previous 1999 general election.

What was most distinct about his administration was his promise to clamp down on corruption and therefore empowering the anti-corruption agencies. Related to this was the general change in the sociopolitical air – civil society felt freer and more able to organise public seminars related to various issues previously deemed sensitive.

More significantly, the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) was established in 2004, an upgraded version of the previously known Anti-Corruption Agency (ACA), with the idea of being a regional hub for anti-corruption capacity and capability building to “fight corruption by promoting best practices in investigation, monitoring and enforcement …”

Modelled after Hong Kong’s Independent Commission Against Corruption (ICAC), it was meant to be a more robust agency now given greater teeth to fight graft in the country.

The MACC did go through significant challenges, chief of which was the incident in 2006 during which political aide Teoh Beng Hock was found to have fallen to his death at the MACC Selangor headquarters in Shah Alam. Embroiled in controversy, the investigations and court cases eventually concluded that it was, in fact, a homicide that took place. Although the police did not eventually find the perpetrator, the MACC as an institution did take measures to improve itself after admitting there were flaws in its system.

One of the reform measures was to set up five independent committees, namely the Anti-Corruption Advisory Board, the Special Committee on Corruption, the Complaints Committee, the Operations Evaluation Panel, and the Consultation and Corruption Prevention Panel. These committees would be tasked to provide oversight to the operations and investigation processes of the MACC, and many individuals of good public standing were appointed to fill these positions subsequently, although these mechanisms did not sufficiently boost public confidence.

Over the last year, the MACC has been in the spotlight for numerous reasons, having investigated 1MDB and other cases related to it, but then later raided by the police for reportedly having leaked documents.

Has the anti-corruption commission that was initially promised to be reformed and strengthened all those years ago instead been eroded and weakened?

The MACC in fact ought to be an independent institution given the resources to fight corruption. But the 2017 budget saw a laundry list of financial cuts, including in investigation and surveillance, law and prosecution, prevention, administrative and forensic services, as well as record and information management, and community education. How is it possible for the MACC to continue functioning with the same expectations but with a much lower budget?

One of the core reforms that some of us in civil society have called for in recent years is an independent MACC that reports to Parliament and has greater autonomy both financially and in hiring and firing its own staff.

The MACC currently reports to the Prime Minister’s Department, which surely is a source of potential conflict of interest. Having a truly independent MACC would allow it to truly exercise its duties in an unbiased fashion without fear or favour.

The new MACC Chief Commissioner, Datuk Dzulkifli Ahmad, recently announced that he wants to combat corruption and abuse of power, saying that “for those who are still intoxicated by bribery, please listen to this warning: stop the corruption and power abuse, and surrender yourself!” In the same speech, he also urged Malaysians to support the agency in its mission. The MACC’s recent action in the Sabah Water Department corruption case is a good sign that it is taking steps in that direction.

However, the MACC simply cannot carry out this task alone. The experiences over the last decade would surely have taught the administration some lessons: that apart from the government it serves, positive public perception is crucial to achieving its goals. Working with, instead of against, the community that it tries to educate is crucial if it wants to seriously fight corruption all round.

This is where independent civil society organisations can in fact come in to support the MACC in its efforts to fight corruption. Other expert bodies like accountants and lawyers can also support MACC’s work as many investigations involve technical and forensic accounting matters. However, the MACC must also demonstrate its willingness to have frank discussions and dialogue with civil society.

The MACC has seen tremendous transformations over the last decade and more, but fighting corruption seems to be even more challenging than ever. It is hoped that it is in these trying times partnerships and collaborations can be forged; all those in favour of fighting corruption – and this must be a priority this year – should surely come together.

Posted in Civil Society, Corruption, Public Administration | Leave a comment

Rights of the natives

First published in theSun on 22 December 2016, here.

A VIDEO went viral at the end of November on social media, portraying the Temiar Orang Asli community singing Negaraku as the blockade they had set up to protest logging at a forest reserve in Gua Musang in September was destroyed. Several orang asli villagers were also detained as a result of the incident.

This particular action was ordered by the Kelantan State Forestry Department, while a representative of the Kelantan state government stated that all logging activities in Kelantan since 1978 had complied with the law and urged all parties to comply with set regulations.

The orang asli in Malaysia despite being natives and therefore technically part of the bumiputra community have, unfortunately, not quite benefited from the country’s affirmative action policies. A United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) 2014 report revealed that almost 34% of orang asli households live in poverty, this despite official country figures that say 0.6% of the population live below the national poverty line. Why the disenfranchised community? Has the government not paid enough attention to their woes?

The government has indeed set up a body looking into orang asli affairs, the Department of Orang Asli Development (or Jabatan Kemajuan Orang Asli), whose mission is to “implement inclusive development to improve the socioeconomic status and quality of life while advancing and upholding the excellent heritage of the orang asli community”, but one does wonder to what extent the heritage of the orang asli is being preserved, really.

Many of the problems faced centre upon the lack of recognition of their land rights. This is a crucial point. Colin Nicholas from the Centre of Orang Asli Concerns (COAC) who has long championed their cause, said in a speech that “In the traditional context of their customary land, orang asli would have enjoyed full autonomy over their traditional lands and territories. These are lands held by them by custom and history, and which our courts have recognised as being native title lands under common law”.

There is a lot more to unpack when discussing native customary land rights, but suffice to say that the property rights of native peoples are now being slowly but surely recognised around the world as legitimate. The problem, however, is that because these were only customarily recognised in the past, these lands need to be formally gazetted in order to be legally recognised.

The Federal Constitution places land as a state matter, which means technically it is the state governments’ responsibility to gazette land as orang asli land. In 2009, when the new Selangor state government set up an Orang Asli Land Taskforce, the orang asli community (mainly Temuan) were overwhelmed and thankful that their rights were being recognised for the first time after so long. The taskforce, headed by an orang asli, was to conduct research to delineate the proper borders of orang asli native customary land, so the state could gazette them and land titles could finally be awarded to them.

While states have primary jurisdiction over land matters, it is not right to place the entire burden on them and absolve the role of the federal government entirely. Indeed, Article 76(4) of the constitution does allow for the Federal Government to make laws pertaining to “tenure, acquisition, registration, transfer of land and other rights and interests in land”, so they could very well protect the recognised customary lands of the orang asli.

The protection of ethnic minorities anywhere in the world is an unquestionable right. Already in 1992 the United Nations member states unanimously adopted the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Persons Belonging to National or Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Minorities, which basically guides countries in their efforts to ensure minorities are not discriminated against.

But Will Kymlicka in his paper “Liberal Multiculturalism: Western Models, Global Trends, and Asian Debates” argues that Asian countries have been surprisingly absent from this global debate on minority rights, partly because they had little role in formulating these international standards in the first place.

According to him, the indigenous of many countries in the region suffer from state policies to “swamp their land with settlers”. They are also pressured by the state and its various instruments to assimilate into a homogenous society. The paper in fact cited incidents of indigenous communities in Malaysia being pressured to convert into Islam. Malaysia’s National Culture Policy introduced in 1970 also comes to mind, which emphasised the assimilation of non-Malays into Malay culture. Its website states, “… The culture of the indigenous people from this region, which, in a wider or narrower sense, refers to the Malay culture, forms the basis of the National Culture Policy”.

Multiethnic and multicultural countries like Malaysia will continue to face challenges in negotiating for rights in public space, especially so for an ethnic minority with such minimal negotiating rights as the orang asli community. But the key is to ensure all citizens are free to exercise their individual liberty; in an ideal world, rights and protections should not be the state’s prerogative to give away in the first place. Individual liberty ought to be accorded to each person regardless of ethnicity, religion or political affiliation.

As we end the year with festivities, it is hoped that the rights and privileges we possess are not taken for granted. The liberty we enjoy should also be restored to those who have lived on these lands for hundreds of years before us. The Malaysian government, having endorsed the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, needs to collaborate closely with other state governments to fully recognise what it signed into; that our orang asli have the right to the full enjoyment of all human rights and fundamental freedoms, that they are free and equal to all others in this country, and finally, that they have the right to the lands they have traditionally owned.

Posted in Human Rights, Liberalism, Selangor | Leave a comment

Rohingya refugee rights

First published in theSun on 13 December 2016 here.

AT A “Solidarity March” two weekends ago, Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak protested the atrocities taking place in Myanmar, condemning Myanmar for what he considered as the “genocide” and “ethnic cleansing” of the Rohingya community.

What is happening in Myanmar is without a doubt disturbing, and requires international attention. But Najib needs to turn his eye to the refugee conditions on home ground in Malaysia.

First, Malaysia sits on the United Nations Security Council and could have used this position to act on its concerns, but through the appropriate channels.

If it wants to elevate the seriousness of the developments at an international level, the government could table an emergency motion on what it considers to be the genocide of the Rohingyas in Myanmar at the UN Security Council.

Second, Malaysia has not yet signed or ratified the 1951 United Nations Refugee Convention, which means the government does not formally or legally recognise refugees in the country.

This includes Rohingyas, who are therefore not recognised as refugees. The implications of this are, namely, that the government can act according to its whims and fancies whenever it is convenient for it to appear humanitarian.

Second, it does not have to comply with any sort of rules in its treatment of refugees. The convention would require member states to provide certain protections, such as the right to work, the right not to be expelled, and the right to freedom of religion,
among others.

The only document refugees in Malaysia have is a UNHCR card (UN High Commissioner for Refugees), issued upon interviews and certification by the UNHCR itself. Even so, the Malaysian authorities have reportedly thrown these cards away.

An expose took place in March 2015 of syndicates selling fake UNHCR cards for as cheap as RM50 a card. A documentary by Al-Jazeera in late 2014 also exposed allegations of abuse of refugees – refugees were seen chained and handcuffed, and said they had been beaten and exploited and left little food and water – as well as claims of corruption within the UNHCR.

The UNHCR has responded by issuing new cards with increased security features to combat identity fraud and counterfeiting.

All of these incidents underscore more importantly that there is a need for the government to work closely with the UNHCR and other agencies offering refugee care and services to come out with clear policies and regulations on managing the refugee issue in a more systematic way.

Since Najib has taken a keen interest in human rights – in his rally speech he stated that one of the articles in the Asean charter was for Asean to uphold human rights – he should also consider signing and ratifying a host of other international human rights conventions.

This would include the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, two of which are considered to be the most basic of human rights conventions for any modern democracy.

Third, recall that it was only in May last year that there were an estimated 6,000 Rohingya and Bangladeshi refugees who were stranded at sea because authorities turned them away. (The government did change its position subsequently to allow the boat people to land in Malaysia.)

The then deputy home minister had said: “We have to send the right message that they are not welcome here”, after 1,000 refugees landed on the shores of Langkawi. Recall that after being on the boat for more than three months, their boats’ captains and crew abandoned them, leaving about 10 passengers to die.

Finally, there are already Rohingya refugees in Malaysia, many of whom are being detained under horrible conditions in detention centres, some of which have been mentioned above.

Why has the government not turned a kind eye to treat our existing refugees with the love our leaders now profess? Why the sudden attention now, when they have been languishing for years?

As of the end of October 2016, there are more than 150,000 refugees and asylum-seekers in Malaysia, of which some 54,856 are Rohingyas. Why focus solely on one community’s conditions?

Other refugees in Malaysia include those from Sri Lanka, Pakistan, Yemen, Somalia, Syria, Iraq, Afghanistan and Palestine.

One should not discriminate based on country of origin, the level of care and attention provided.

All have experienced persecution and suffering and have been forced to leave their countries because of serious discrimination or armed conflict, and are in search of a better future.

The prime minister should sign and ratify the UN Refugee Convention, table an emergency motion at the UN Security Council to debate this crisis, and finally turn his eyes to the horrid conditions the Rohingya and other refugees have to suffer on home soil itself.

Posted in Human Rights | Leave a comment

Walkway of Shame

All we know is “one worker”,
We don’t know your name,
“From Vietnam” to KL,
The city of shame.

You gave up your life
For some eco construction,
And instead what it gave you
Was death and destruction.

Who were your loved ones?
What were your dreams?
Why did you come
To this country unseen?

You were crushed under concrete
And others now lame,
As we pass we’ll remember you
In this walkway of shame.

1st December 2016

Posted in Poetry, Public Administration | Leave a comment

We are the voice

We are the voice of many,
Tall and small, oppressed and free,
We sing the chorus of tiny hope,
But roaring strong collectively.

We slump through our days in stupor,
We walk in a daze as if drugged,
But at night we hear the whispers of change,
The strings of our hearts are tugged.

We see others silenced and fearful,
They live in a cave full of mould,
They choose to never come out to the light,
They choose to stay shallow and cold.

We are the flesh of this land,
We cannot and will not run.
Here we will stay,
To fight to the day,
Our faces glow in the warm sun.

1st December 2016

Posted in Civil Society, Poetry, The Cause | Leave a comment

Plane Feelings

Dark clouds like baby ghosts
Peek their heads above
The sky’s horizon in the distance.

Rich with colour,
Deep orange, green and blue,
Something in me aches and collapses.

Shiver in the cold,
Electric feelings of old,
I never saw how we could be forgotten.

In the open spaces,
The beauty now erases,
All of memory’s traces, many rotten.

The final glow, the burst,
Makes me hunger, makes me thirst,
Longing for some feeling of some pain.

The puffy cotton balls,
And all of us in free fall,
From the heavens descend hot and heavy rain.

Velvet dusk upon us,
Another day is done,
Today I own no sorrow and no shame.

28th November 2016

Posted in Civil Society, Poetry, Reflections, The Cause, Uncategorized | Leave a comment

Game Over

That bitter knot in my mouth,
Is the taste of hope dissolving
With each passing day.

What purpose is there?
The country’s fools
Take it all for a game of play.

Please drown my despair,
I gasp for air,
What I love does not love me back.

There’s no glory in sacrifice,
To care is a painful choice,
I may lose everything I ever had.

Save me your tears,
I can’t handle your fears.
Just leave me, you’ve won.
Game over.

Bring me my children,
The sun sets on the future,
And on your wretched dishonour.

28th November 2016

Posted in Civil Society, Poetry, Reflections, The Cause, Uncategorized | Leave a comment