A Review of ‘A People’s Politics’ by Goh Keat Peng

‘A People’s Politics’ by Goh Keat Peng: A Review

(A version of this was first published in Selangor Times in March 2013).

One of the people I consulted before joining the Selangor state government back in 2008 was Goh Keat Peng. His advice to me was simple: be prepared for what would be a challenging environment, whilst at the same time being open to experiences that would be personally rewarding. In other words, I was not to enter the realm of politics and government with any false blinkers on, lest the very convenient and natural feeling of disillusionment set in all too soon.

As more and more young Malaysians begin to take a keen interest in politics, policy and government – whether it is through the route of activism, direct politics or policy-making – it would do to pause and reflect upon Mr. Goh’s recently released book, “A People’s Politics”. As someone who has certainly gone the distance, his thoughts, both serious and humorous, are timely and filled with much wisdom.

Mr. Goh himself is a bit of an enigma. Even those directly within political circles may not necessarily have heard his name despite his roles in different organisations including the Malaysian Consultative Council for Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism, Sikhism and Taoism, and within Parti Keadilan Rakyat itself. The slight and unassuming man with a distinguished crop of white hair, he is often invited to speak at public forums – and if I might add, remembered for banging tables indignantly at the state of our country’s affairs.

His thoughts are strong and clear, as much in written word as they are in spoken form. Making no apologies for his opinion, each chapter reflects upon his desire for a people’s nation, and aspects of the process needed in getting there. As such, his analogy of all Malaysians being on the same “political highway” uses examples of how each individual has to carefully give way to another, by “engaging, … conversing, consulting, hearing and understanding that there are other inhabitants in the country, and their … concerns, needs, fears and aspirations are as legitimate as ours.” This is a powerful truth that very, very few of us – much less the country’s leaders – have internalised, understood and practised.

Mr. Goh takes the bull by its horns in addressing political apathy in his chapter “A People’s Scepticism”, citing examples we know all too well – the common bleating complaint that “politics is a waste of time”, and one should just “leave politics to the politicians”. It comes as no surprise that the political industry has gained for itself such a bad reputation, since there are certainly bad eggs in the basket, and with power comes the proximity to money, and the propensity to engage in corrupt practices, although this is not always misused to one’s own advantage.

Nevertheless, he rightly points out that even the need for an “orderly, reasonable, sensible and collective co-existence” necessitates participation in the political processs because politics joins you if you do not join it. The general public has an equal responsibility in keeping their leaders in check, which he reminds in the chapter on “A People’s Vigilance”.

Much as Mr. Goh writes to the ordinary Malaysian voter, urging citizens to play their role in being kept informed, reading critically with discernment what news is fed to us, being a messenger by spreading one’s knowledge of a matter with friends, being inclusive and respectful to all regardless of opinion, and finally being catalyst by volunteering actively in any capacity of one’s choice, what I found most helpful was the final section on “career politics”.

The process of political participation is quite like playing a video game, although in this case one level is not necessarily superior relative to another. At Level 1, one reads and is exposed to political news, likely through alternative media sources online. Graduating to the next level, one takes an interest in participating in various means: civil society, volunteering as polling and counting agents, possibly starting an interest group of one’s liking. Further up, one perhaps joins a political party as an ordinary member and begins to join party activities. This level is equal to those appointed as political aides and assistants to political leaders. The final level, which only a small percentage ever reaches (or chooses to reach) is to contest as a people’s representative in Parliament or state assembly.

This is where Mr. Goh’s advice comes in useful. He recognises that there will be those amongst us who decide to become career politicians, and that many top-rung national leaders had their start as volunteers or apprentices. His words to those who are in that role are to “start humbly, already in the deep end, but not as yet responsible for the consequences… relax, observe, and learn.”

A final note, extremely relevant given the poor quality of candidates in previous elections, is that there ought to be required formal education and training for all professional creer politicians. He quotes Robert Louis Stevenson’s observation that “Politics is perhaps the only profession for which no preparation is thought necessary”. In this light, I was fortunate to have completed a short Political Advisors’ Course sponsored by the Australian Labor Party and the University of Sydney in 2012, amongst others.

But for those who have not the luxury of time, nor the opportunity to attend classes related to “political philosophy and ideologies, the mechanisms of the political process, principles of parliamentary democracy, code of conduct, service centre management, human resource management, project management, financial management, good governance, constitutional provisions and public speaking”, this acts as a stark reminder that our politicians need some formal education in order to lead the country in the best, most professional means possible, without which they are poorly equipped to govern well, if at all.

“A People’s Politics” can be best summed up as a handbook for Malaysians who are learning to become responsible stewards of our own country, and citizens who actively take the fate of the nation into our own hands. It deals with the somewhat emotional thought processes as we collectively struggle with failure and disappointment, but ends on the positive note that the nation has the very real option of change to end political monopoly. And that ultimately, this is made possible through “A Person’s Vote”.

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Reforms needed for campaign financing

Reforms needed for campaign financing 

(Full version first published in The Nut Graph on 25 April 2013)

THE 13th general election (GE13) since our independence is finally happening, after Datuk Seri Najib Razak announced that Parliament has been dissolved on 3rd April 2013, exactly four years after he took over as prime minister. This takes place after an extensive guessing game lasting over a period of close to two years.

What the delay has meant for political parties is that first, both the Barisan Nasional (BN) and Pakatan Rakyat (PR) coalitions were kept on their toes in getting themselves fully prepared for the election campaign and messaging strategy early, since polls could have taken place any time. For instance, the PR manifesto is said to have been drafted as early as May 2012 although it was only launched early this year.

Second and more importantly, the campaigning period effectively began early, both online and face-to-face, with nightly ceramah taking place in towns all over the country. Such a long-drawn-out intense campaign means the need for a massive amount of financial resources in order to sustain related activities. Money is needed to fund the printing of leaflets, banners and newspapers; pay election workers and campaigners; put out media advertisements; organise rallies and forums; conduct training and research; and other miscellaneous requirements.

Charles Santiago

Campaigning requires a massive amount of financial resources (pic courtesy of Charles Santiago)

On a much larger scale, the BN federal government has spent billions of ringgit in the months leading up to the election. Although Article 10(3) of the Election Offences Act 1954 essentially prohibits vote-buying, this has not stopped our prime minister from announcing one-off bonuses to more than 40,000 employees of Telekom Malaysia and Pos Malaysia, RM1,000 in ‘token of appreciation’ to more than 40,000 employees of Petronas, on top of the latest RM500 handouts in the form of BR1M 2.0 to seven million low-income households and individuals. In these cases, government funds were used, and they do not technically contravene any laws despite it being clear that BN is seeking support through these handouts.

Funding Political Campaigns

How exactly political parties and politicians fund their campaigns remains shrouded in secrecy. PR parties like the Democratic Action Party (DAP), Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) and Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS) have over the years resorted to donations by private individuals, fundraising dinners, publications, membership fees and contributions collected at events or forums. In the PR-led states, it has been possible for the state governments to hold functions that would recognise the state’s achievements. Although the line between the two is often blurred, the distinction must be clearly made between state and political party: state funds should not be used to directly fund election campaigns.

In Transparency International’s (TI) research, it was found that where Umno traditionally relied on membership fees and private donations, this changed when it started to own corporations and shares, thereby reaping profits from its business interests. Amongst the BN component parties, this model is employed by Umno and MCA most prominently.

(© Danny Lim)

(© Danny Lim)

It is almost impossible to fully trace the parties’ ownership of companies and shares, and especially difficult when individual proxies are used on behalf of their political masters. Umno, for example, is said to have either direct or indirect corporate ownership of Media Prima, Pharmaniaga, UEM Builders and Realmild, amongst various other companies.

To read the full article, please click on The Nut Graph’s link here.


Tricia Yeoh is a Research Director at Institut Rakyat, a think tank affiliated with Parti Keadilan Rakyat. She is former Research Officer to the Selangor Menteri Besar under Pakatan Rakyat.

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Malaysia is no Egypt

Malaysia is no Egypt

First published in theSun on 26th April 2013

NEGATIVE advertisements are flooding mainstream newspapers in this very electric season of the 13th general election campaign, but many fail to convince. One full-page advertisement caught my attention, paid for by the MCA, a component party of the Barisan Nasional.

Its title reads “Ubah (Change) for the worst? What can we learn from the Egypt, Tunisia, Libya, Yemen, Syria and Bahrain free fall?” and describes what it imagines to have taken place in these countries during and after the Arab Spring.

The advertisement outlines the following series of events: “People get fed up with the government; Ruling party is forced to step down; Civil war in the streets and chaos in the country; Political instability, economic turmoil; Economy goes down, unemployment goes up; People get fed up with new government; Want to go back to the previous government.”

These are incredible generalisations about the named countries to create an argument against changing the government in Malaysia.

Change they did

I had the privilege of attending the 9th Aljazeera International Documentary Film Festival last week in Doha, Qatar, where my documentary on the late Teoh Beng Hock was competing. At the festival, documentary makers had the chance to share their stories from around the world.

Many films portrayed stories of hope and liberation juxtaposed against oppressive regimes, which included the Tahrir Square uprising in Egypt.

In the documentary After the Storm: A New Beginning for Egypt’s Economy, it was clear that although Egypt continues to struggle with poverty and unemployment, these were caused by decades of the previous regime’s economic mismanagement which distorted competition and benefited the wealthy at the expense of the poor.

Second, it also showed how it is precisely because of the revolution that locals were now more optimistic and able to take control of their own economic situation.

By placing this poorly thought-through advertisement, is the MCA then implying that Egyptians ought to have been content with their previous leader Hosni Mubarak, and continue living under such appalling conditions?

This would have made them out to be weak and spineless, supporting a regime that would shamelessly continue to subject them to atrocities.

Different circumstances

Equating Malaysia to Egypt is inaccurate, since both countries operate under different circumstances and contexts.

Although this country is suffering from a heavy national debt and tremendously unhealthy levels of wastage and corruption, it is nowhere close to the conditions in which the Egyptian uprising took place.

In fact, each point laid out in the ad can easily be rebutted. First, Mubarak was forced to step down due to a people’s revolution; in Malaysia, any change in government would take place as part of the normal processes of democratic elections.

Second, it is presumptuous to predict that there would be chaos in the country should there be a change, since Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak has already committed to there being a peaceful transition of power should it come to pass.

One hopes he will also ensure all accompanying government agencies like the police and military would assist in this.

Third, the ad assumes that the economy would get worse under a new government. The financial performance of Pakatan Rakyat state governments over the past five years speaks for itself, with budget surpluses and higher savings than ever before.

Bank Negara Malaysia, Securities Commission, Bursa Malaysia, and other fundamental institutions would also play their roles to responsibly ensure that no major shake-up would take place, safeguarding interests of investors and businesses.

Finally, the ad says that as a result of these upheavals, people would get fed up and want to return to the previous government, to which anyone who believes in free and fair elections would say, “By all means!”

Should there be dissatisfaction in the new government, it is the voters’ prerogative to change them when the time comes.

In the documentary, the filmmakers do not present a rosy Egypt – far from it, since there is much work to be done, reversing years of deep structural failure in the government and the economy.

Perhaps if there is a lesson to be learnt from their story it is that first, when the time is ripe for things to change for the better, this will be inevitable since it rides on the sentiments of the people. But second, that when such change does come, people must acknowledge the difficulty of correcting deeply entrenched wrongs.

Overhauling a system will not take place overnight, and so Malaysians must be willing to persevere over the long run as a new government works out the many intricate problems of a bureaucracy that has been for so long under one political coalition – accompanied by its problematic systems and structures.

Until polling results are known on May 6, perhaps political parties ought to present more rational and intellectually responsible advertisements to the electorate.

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Aljazeera 101 East Forum

So this Malaysian election special is finally out on Aljazeera’s 101 East, featuring Tony Pua, Ibrahim Suffian and Nur Jazlan. I’m the one in orange asking questions to one of the dear MPs (guess which).

Watch the full length version here:

http://www.aljazeera.com/programmes/101east/2013/04/2013417101152169523.html

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The Rights of The Dead to be screened at Aljazeera International Documentary Film Festival

We are attending the 9th Aljazeera International Documentary Film Festival in Doha, Qatar (18-21 Apr). ‘The Rights of The Dead’ will be screened at 13.25 (Doha time) on Thursday, 18th April 2013.

The documentary is competing in the category of “New Horizons”, for first-time directors. Wish us luck, but more importantly, we continue to remember the reason behind the documentary. To remember and tell the story of the late Teoh Beng Hock, our Malaysian brother and friend whose death speaks of the tremendous injustice in our system of government and its institutions.

Click here to see its entry!

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On Radio Free Malaysia, on The Rights of The Dead

In this episode of Radio Free Malaysia, listen to interviews with PI Bala before his death, Teoh Beng Hock’s sister Teoh Lee Lan (whilst being detained for seeking justice) and myself (on the documentary The Rights of The Dead, also on TBH’s death).

https://soundcloud.com/radiofreemalaysia/the-final-days-of-pi-bala

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A Manifesto on the Back Foot

A Manifesto on the Back Foot

(A version of this was published in theSun on Wednesday, 10th April 2013. The below is the slightly different, unedited version).

The term back foot refers to being at a disadvantage, and forced to being defensive of one’s position, usually used in sports where a player is outmaneouvred by an opponent. Barisan Nasional’s recent behaviour indicates it is operating in such a manner.

For the first time in Barisan’s history, it unveiled its election manifesto before nomination day, needing to respond to the Pakatan Rakyat manifesto launched more than six weeks earlier. In fact, when Prime Minister Dato’ Seri Najib Tun Razak announced Parliament dissolution a few days before, he called for peaceful transition should there be a change in government either at the federal or state levels, indicating that this would be indeed possible in his opinion. His deputy has also recently admitted that Pakatan is a tough opponent.

Whilst these are mere indications, the most telling of all are the contents of the Barisan manifesto, numerous items of which are plainly either replications of proposals already contained in the Pakatan manifesto, or following in the footsteps of policies already instated by existing Pakatan-led state governments.

To get a better idea, all of these items were first introduced in Selangor and Penang: increasing NGO representation in local councils; initiating the need for gazetting of native customary rights, or orang asli, land; giving allowances to Kafa teachers in Islamic schools, financial assistance to Sekolah Agama Rakyat, and public disclosure of contracts. Perhaps one ought to take it positively that the Pakatan states were able to blaze the trail as best practice case studies for the rest of the country to follow suit.

As for items that seem mysteriously similar to the Pakatan manifesto, this is because they are. These include the proposal to revisit constructing the Pan-Borneo Highway in East Malaysia, revamping the National Automotive Policy to gradually reduce car prices by 20-30%, as well as increasing payments to oil-producing states in excess of 20%, on top of many others. A quick reference to the Pakatan manifesto would reveal these exact proposals. One wonders at the irony of the Barisan leaders who in one breath ridicule a manifesto that in the next, they imitate.

To evaluate a manifesto, one must first establish the root problems of the country, which here I will classify into three categories namely public administration, the economy, and race relations.

One, Malaysia has an extremely top-heavy system of government, with decisions entirely made at the Executive level, highly centralised in Putrajaya, with a severely weakened Judiciary and ineffective Legislative. Two, Malaysia’s economy is either dominated by government-linked companies (GLCs), monopolies in essential goods industries, or highly influential and well-connected cronies leaving little competition for the small to medium players. Three, the issue of politicised race and religion which will only prevail as long as political parties continue to be defined along such terms.

The Barisan manifesto does little to address the first problem, where in fact it plans to set up yet another ministry to address urban economic and social challenges. With an already bloated government of 30 ministers and 38 deputies, it fails to convince that a new ministry would be an effective resolution to the problems of urban poverty.

Whilst proposals to boost public transport, waste management and water services nationwide are welcome, there is no mention of empowering state or local governments in such regard, who would be better equipped at knowing local issues. In terms of governance, although it is encouraging that steps are being taken to strengthen the MACC, no mention is made of internal mechanisms for checks and balances. One needs only recall that the three officers responsible for the late Teoh Beng Hock’s interrogation have been referred to the MACC Internal Complaints Committee with no further update on their being reprimanded.

On the count of the economy, the manifesto seems to commit to flooding the market with a host of 1Malaysia-brand items, clinics and centres through its Kedai Rakyat 1Malaysia, setting up of Klinik 1Malaysia, and so on. This has effectively created a second parallel market for those classified as lower income, operating on a second track outside the real market of goods and services. This has created a ‘government-economy’ alongside the ‘market economy’.

Instead of addressing the economy holistically, the government has introduced an entire ecosystem of a subsidised market. There is also a significant lack of mention in addressing macroeconomic targets such as balancing the budget. One also wonders at the beneficiaries of this subsidised market, where the manifesto also unreservedly states that the Barisan would “introduce more 1Malaysia products driven by GLCs”.

Finally, the manifesto stated that “we abhor the politics of hatred and division”, whilst it believes in “social justice and being inclusive, touching and improving the lives of all Malaysians irrespective of race and religion”. Numerous contradicting public statements by Barisan leaders notwithstanding, it is the very nature of the Barisan political parties formed along ethnic lines that will make it impossible to exit the game of playing the race card to its own benefit.

Without solutions that can truly and fundamentally reshape the Malaysian structure of public administration, the economy, and race and religious relations, through the reforming of systems and institutions, we will not be able to make that great leap forward. In fact, in Barisan’s own terms, “we cannot put at risk what we have; we cannot gamble away our future”: these words ought to be a stark reminder to all who go to the polling booth come election day.

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GE13 Malaysia – from New Mandala

GE13 Malaysia – Tricia Yeoh

(I was asked a common series of questions on the upcoming 13th General Elections. Here are my answers, as posted on the New Mandala website! Thanks goes to Greg Lopez of the Australian National University for this)

– 4 APRIL 2013POSTED IN: GE13 MALAYSIAMALAYSIA

Tricia Yeoh
1.    What do you think will be the most important issue that the new government must address?

The new government must address economic growth and distribution: ensuring there is a strong economic base, new industries and creating an open, innovative environment to attract the right workforce; as well as making sure national wealth reaches the lowest income groups, especially in rural areas that still have no access to proper water and sanitation.

2.    What do you think is Barisan Nasional’s greatest strength?

Barisan Nasional’s greatest strength would be its numbers of years as a coalition government, its ability to govern together with all parties. However, this is not saying the governance itself has been of stellar performance.

3.    What do you think is Barisan Nasional’s greatest weakness?

Barisan Nasional’s greatest weakness is the fact that its major parties are race-based. This is the biggest constraint it has, if it wants to move beyond ethnic politics, as each party (UMNO, MCA and MIC) will continue having to retreat to their ethnic support bases when campaigning for votes.

4.    What do you think is Pakatan Rakyat’s greatest strength?

Pakatan Rakyat’s greatest strength lies in its philosophy of new politics, that politics has to move beyond race. Acknowledging the cultural differences between races, none of the three parties advocates a Malay, Chinese or Indian-based approach to solving national problems. They focus on the community’s particular needs, on raising incomes irrespective of race or creed.

5.    What do you think is Pakatan Rakyat’s greatest weakness?

Pakatan Rakyat’s greatest weakness lies in its lack of professional experience as administrators in government, which the civil servants have taken advantage of in the early years of Pakatan Rakyat running the state governments of Selangor, Perak and Penang. This is where Pakatan Rakyat will have to rely on the expertise and experience of trustworthy civil servants, retired civil servants, and other practitioners and academics when it comes into government.

6.    What is your hope for Malaysia?  

My hope for Malaysia is that its young will grow up in a country they feel they are proud of, that they fully belong to, and a place they will want to live, work, play and retire in, even for their future generations to come.

Tricia Yeoh is the Research Director at Institut Rakyat.

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Pakatan rule of Selangor – how has it fared?

Pakatan rule of Selangor – how has it fared?

Thanks goes to the newly formed Radio Free Malaysia (RFM) for interviewing me recently on the  record of the Selangor state government over the past five years. The interview was conducted in Malay. Click here to listen to this episode of RFM.

Sure, the Selangor government under Pakatan Rakyat governance has performed well in democratic progress and economic performance as can be seen in the revival of local government elections in new villages at least, a historic first in a Freedom of Information Enactment, and the highest ever revenue in 28 years; but how have ordinary Selangorians benefited from their five-year governance? We ask former insider, Tricia Yeoh, who was research officer to the Selangor Menteri Besar’s office and is now research director with Institut Rakyat, a PKR-affiliated think tank.

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Ensuring growth to ensure sustainability

Ensuring growth to ensure sustainability

 (First published in the Penang Monthly’s March 2013 issue)

Photograph: My Train Pix / Flickr

Photograph: My Train Pix / Flickr

While Singapore’s government tries to convince its citizens of the wisdom of its population plans, Malaysia suffers instead from the lack of a long-term and comprehensive vision that is supported by concrete measures to ensure sustainable growth.

By Tricia Yeoh

The Singapore government recently faced public outcry following the release of a white paper on its country’s projected population growth rate. The paper forecasts a population size of 6.9 million people by 2030, which has alarmed local Singaporeans; foreign migrants currently already account for almost 1.5 million out of the 5.3 million residents, who take up jobs previously occupied by locals. (The latter is an arguable point though.)

Among the major concerns expressed online is that there are insufficient resources and infrastructure to cater to this rapid growth – already there are complaints of overcrowded public transport systems and hospitals. Although their government responded by saying it is merely a guide, this episode is certainly what other rapidly developing cities should take note of.

Drawing from our neighbour down south, the question for both Selangor and Penang (being two of the most industrial and commercial states in Malaysia) is: how should thriving, cosmopolitan cities and states plan for future population growth? One lesson to be learned from the Singapore example is that governments must engage in forward planning and targeted communication with their residents. This is to ensure sustainability of resources over a long-term period and to make sure the people are aware that such efforts are being made after serious consideration.

While it is important for hospitals, schools and public transportation systems to expand according to the needs of a growing populace, these are areas that unfortunately do not fall under the purview of state governments – and are therefore left to the federal ministries to plan, hopefully with input from and collaboration with their state counterparts.

Interestingly, contrary to popular belief, population growth rates in both Penang and Selangor have actually fallen in the last few years. In Penang, the average annual population growth rate has fallen from 1.6% in 2008 to 1.5% in 2009, 1.3% in 2010 and 1.1% in 2011. Similarly so for Selangor, the growth rate fell from 2.6% in 2008 to 2.5% in 2009, 2.2% in 2010 and 1.4% in 20111.

Be that as it may, the population size is growing. In the decade of 1991-2000, Selangor’s population increased by 75% from 2.4 million to 4.2 million. Between 2008 and 2011, the population increased from 1.5 million to 1.6 million in Penang, and from 5.2 million to 5.6 million in Selangor. It is also important to explore immigration into the states to understand the population makeup further.

 

Net migration by states, 2006-2009.

Figure 1: Net migration by states, 2006-2009.
Source: Department of Statistics Malaysia.

In the period between 1995 and 2000, Selangor received a total of 371,000 net migrants, of whom 14% were foreigners. That state continued to receive the highest percentage of immigration from 2003 to 2007, mainly from the states of Kedah, Perak, KL and Kelantan. From 2008 to 2009, however, Penang was the main destination of migrants, which Figure 1 shows. The highest concentration of foreign migrants into Peninsular Malaysia was, however, in Selangor (15.7%), the highest percentages coming from Indonesia, India/ Pakistan/Bangladesh and the Philippines, with the majority working in the manufacturing and construction industries.

The labour force has also increased from 688,000 to 781,000 in Penang and from 2.2 million to 2.7 million in Selangor over the same four-year period, due to increasing labour force participation rates in both states. Added to this is the rising GDP growth rate in both states, going from 5.8% to 10% in Penang, and from 8.4% to 10.8% in Selangor between the years 2008 and 2010. Clearly resources, social amenities and infrastructures will need to match the increase in population size and the increasing industrialisation.

Sustainable water resources 
Singapore has done well in assuring its citizens of a self-sustaining water supply. Although this is a politically sore point in Malaysia (there is much history involved in the water and price negotiations, which this article will not explore), Singapore targets to eventually wean itself off Johor’s water supply by 2061, the year in which the final water agreement between the two countries expires.

This brings us to the primary issue at hand, namely ensuring sufficient water supplies for both Penang and Selangor respectively. In my previous column on the subject, I stated that the water industries of both states differ significantly. In short, Selangor’s water industry is fragmented into four separate private water concession companies (three in charge of water treatment and one for water distribution), whereas Penang’s is managed by a state corporatised body, the Perbadanan Bekalan Air Pulau Pinang, or PBAPP. While Penang has successfully negotiated its water restructuring deal with the federal government’s Perbadanan Aset Air Berhad, or PAAB, Selangor continues to struggle to achieve this.

Early last month, Penang’s Chief Minister called on PAAB to speed up the Perak-Penang water transfer project in order to provide for future water demands, as 80% of Penang’s water source is derived solely from the state’s Sungai Muda, which will meet water demand only up to 2020. This is a responsible statement, seeing as Penang itself has limited water resources, an issue exacerbated by the reported logging activities within Kedah water catchment areas which are likely to reduce these resources even further.

Readers may be quick to point out that Selangor on the other hand is reacting in an entirely opposite manner: namely through its inability to agree with PAAB on a final restructuring deal, and also refusing to approve the Langat 2 water treatment plant as part of the Pahang-Selangor water transfer project.

While it is necessary to cater to an increasing population growth in the future, the issue is not as simple as it seems in Selangor. Because of the fragmented nature of the water industry, the two main companies, Syabas (water distributor) and treatment company Puncak Niaga (which is the majority shareholder of Syabas), have refused to accept the buy-back offers of the Selangor government, causing a stalemate. Ideally, as part of the Water Services Industry Act 2006, this should have been resolved by now, by consolidating all companies into one, owned by the state government.

The federal government has not cooperated in the matter either, by recently providing yet another RM120mil in what seems like bailout funds to Syabas. This is on top of the RM320mil 20-year back-loaded, unsecured and interest-free loan to Syabas in 2009. One must recall that Syabas is a private entity, having signed a concession agreement to undertake its services and responsibilities, which it failed to do in a recent breakdown in the Wangsa Maju pump station, which resulted in water shortages affecting more than 27,000 households in the Klang Valley.

It is more urgent than ever that both governments work together to solve the water problem, on the principle that water companies such as Syabas should be dealt with strictly. Water regulator National Water Services Commission (Span) is the most well-suited to handle the matter. Of course it seems highly unlikely any chastisement will take place before the 13th general election that is soon to come – all parties are waiting to see how the power structures remain or change before major policy decisions are made.

Finally, while Penang requires water resources to be channelled from Perak owing to its limited resources, Selangor has not fully exhausted its existing water resources – its lakes and rivers and heavy rainfall exist in abundance. The mega-project to transfer water from Pahang to Selangor will cost in total some RM9bil (consisting of the dam, tunnel and treatment plant), compared to the Perak-Penang project of RM2bil. I have stated in other articles that this massive project should be reconsidered in preference to other solutions like upgrading existing plants, rainwater harvesting, water recycling and treatment of Selangor’s raw water resources. These would also ensure sufficient water for future generations in the Klang Valley.

Economic growth and development puts pressure on governments to manage the resulting consequences. As Singapore grapples with its exponential population growth, so too must the dynamic states of Selangor and Penang, by carefully studying similar projections over the mid to long-term future, given high immigration rates.

We must not reach a stage where residents feel the strain on infrastructure, amenities and resources. To that end, it is hoped that the Pakatan-led states maintain their governments in the upcoming state elections, and that government bodies like Pemandu, the Economic Planning Unit and Department of Statistics will work closely with the states.

Posted in Economics, Selangor, Water | 1 Comment