Roadblocks undermine National Productivity!

This is a recent press statement that the CPPS released…

CENTRE FOR PUBLIC POLICY STUDIES

PRESS STATEMENT FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

The Centre for Public Policy Studies disagrees with the set-up of Police roadblocks in Kuala Lumpur and Selangor as a method of preventing peaceful public gatherings. Although the Police have every right to fulfill their mandate to protect law and order, peaceful demonstrations do not pose a threat to the security of the public. Public safety is of little use if the people cannot enjoy it; the role of the Police is to ensure peaceful demonstrations remain peaceful and safe, not to obstruct them and prevent the expression of public sentiment.

Under the law, public gatherings require a permit. However, there is no reason for the Police to obstruct the issuance of a permit unless they have reason to believe the gathering is meant to foment violence and public disorder. The issuance of permits for public gatherings should be a simple and straightforward matter, as it is in countries such as the United Kingdom. Under the Federal Constitution, every Malaysian has the right to freedom of expression, and as long as the Police have no reason to believe a particular citizen or group of citizens is acting with intent to undermine the security of the country, they must allow those citizens their right of self-expression.

The Police decision to continue the erection of roadblocks in and around the Klang Valley is counterproductive, undermining not only basic civil rights, but economic rights as well. The vast majority of Malaysians affected by this decision are not potential rioters or even peaceful demonstrators. They are men and women on their way to work and school. By creating unnecessary traffic jams, the Police significantly reduce productivity in one of the most economically productive regions of the country, for no apparent reason.

The Centre for Public Policy Studies calls on the Police to make use of pre-set guidelines for public gatherings, and to only erect such obstructions where there is proof of an imminent threat to public safety and security. It is entirely possible for the Police to conclude civil agreements with the organizers of public gatherings in a way mutually beneficial to all. Peaceful demonstrations are not harmful to public order, and when properly protected, represent the exercise of a basic civil liberty of freedom of expression all Malaysians are entitled to. The Centre also reiterates its support for the recommendation of SUHAKAM in its report on the public inquiry into the KLCC demonstrations that Parliament amend the Police Act to repeal the requirement of a permit for peaceful public gatherings.

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Can Anwar Change the NEP?

This came out in a book on the Elections, “Tipping Points”, published by the Edge. I distributed it to some contacts recently but forgot to post it here (due to my irresponsible management of my Egalitaria blog, shame on me!)..

Can Anwar Replace the NEP?
Tricia Yeoh
 
So deep-rooted is the consciousness of the Malay identity that it has been nearly impossible to critically examine its role in shaping the socio-political landscape of Malaysia. So entrenched is the expectation that being Malay will automatically qualify one for preferential economic policies in the form of the NEP – the New Economic Policy, an affirmative action plan largely favouring the majority Malay community – that imagining an alternative has been for many years just that: plain imagination. Recent events, however, have reversed the trend.
 
This has taken place in the shape of Anwar Ibrahim, ex-Deputy Prime Minister of Malaysia. Hailing from Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR), the political party formed to promote justice against his arrest in 1998, Anwar has actively campaigned despite not qualifying to contest in the elections. The de-facto party leader has been extremely vocal in calling for an end to the NEP (in the form of the National Vision Policy today); replacing it with a “Malaysian Economic Agenda”. Despite this, it is argued that Malays were still willing to vote for PKR against Barisan Nasional. Was the Malay swing significant enough to show support for NEP abolishment? This is difficult to determine since there were a multitude of other factors working against the BN, so that isolating the NEP itself as a deciding factor is erroneous.
 
More importantly, even if this were true, can Anwar really replace the NEP given the present Malaysian socio-cultural context?
 
First and central to the discourse is that many Malays cling onto a highly romanticised ideal of their special position in society. “Ketuanan Melayu”, or Malay supremacy, is a social construct brought up time and again in public discussion on inter-ethnic relationships. That identity, in turn, finds its origins in what is now commonly referred to as the “social contract” between Malays and non-Malays, in reality a politicised term introduced in Parliament in the 1980s. Believed to be the “exchange of citizenship for special rights”, this agreement is considered to be enshrined in the law.

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“Govern”ments in our country

This is the second piece I wrote for Malaysian Today – again, that free paper distributed around town. Mainly I write this because it’s probably the thing closest to politics that the young readers picking up this entertainment paper would be exposed to. And perhaps if it strikes a chord in them, I’d have done my bit.

Are our Governments “Governing” Well? How Can We Tell?

Tricia Yeoh 

There has been an overdose of politics in the Malaysian air recently, although most political talk has been reduced to stories akin to murder, sexual and spy stories, gruesome as they may sound. Whilst the newspapers are plastered with story after story on personality battles, Malaysians are actually eager to observe better governance from both state and federal levels.  

The reason we call our governments “ ‘govern’ ments” is precisely because there is an inherent expectation that they are to govern, given the mandate bestowed upon them when citizens elect their representatives. The result of the recent March 2008 Elections, for example, is not just that there has been an increase in democratic space for varied representation between the Barisan Nasional and Pakatan Rakyat.  

More importantly, the 2008 Elections spelled out an opportunity for the fellow member on the street – you and I – to be fully cognizant of representatives’ actions and inactions, holding them accountable to their word. Beyond just governance, the emerging trendy term that is used amongst developmental economists and social activists is “good governance”.  

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Review of “Lost in Transition”

This review came out a bit late, but nevertheless documents my reflections of Ooi Kee Beng’s latest book…

The makings of political Malaysia
Tricia Yeoh


LOST
in Transition: Malaysia under Abdullah by Ooi Kee Beng is a rich addition to the growing number of books documenting contemporary Malaysian affairs. And it emerges at no better time than this – as the man himself comes under severe fire on many fronts, despite recent efforts.This collection of columns written throughout the period for which society has been most critical of the Barisan Nasional-led government epitomises a prime minister struggling to maintain order amid downward spiralling public appeal. Through his succinct analyses, Ooi marks in chronological order key events and factors that have led to this complicated political knot.

Several themes are consistently focused upon, which shed interesting light on the position BN is in today, four months or so after March 8, 2008.

First, the title’s play on the phrase “lost in translation” is amusing, where coupled with the front cover’s picture reflects perfectly Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi’s infamous silences on key issues throughout his tenure. This stubborn characteristic was highlighted as early as June 2006 in the piece “Silence is No Longer an Option” where his early refusal to respond to Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad’s scathing criticisms showed initial signs of weakness. These impressions no doubt contributed to public perception of his inability to make firm decisions. The recent attempt at a no-confidence motion by the Opposition in Parliament did not succeed, but did send psychological shockwaves to the public nevertheless.

In fact, the Mahathir-Abdullah war raging on over consequent months resulted in two things: Mahathir grassroots loyalist supporters casting doubt on Abdullah, and increasing fractions within Umno, (showcasing its) “internal tension and hubris”, both leading to where Abdullah stands today.

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Idealism

A piece I wrote for Malaysian Today, (not Malaysia Today) a free newspaper that is distributed in universities and fastfood chains around.

Idealism
by Tricia Yeoh

Young people have always been the most idealistic group in any society – and
rightly so. At which other time in one’s life could someone have the time
and space to dream big, and desire the best things for one’s world?

Indeed, many great political leaders of today in numerous countries were
active student leaders in their university years, where they had the
opportunity of being exposed to principles of justice, democracy, electoral
procedures and political issues.

Think of our own home-bred Penny Wong, who was originally from East Malaysia
and is now the first Chinese-Australian in Cabinet. She was appointed as the
new Minister of Climate Change and Water in November 2007, and has been
heralded as a heroine of women politicians.

Her journey started early, as she was an extremely active young university
student, campaigning on issues of human rights and social justice from a
young age. Her experience at university level, as with many others, provided
her with the skills, confidence and leadership qualities that led her to
where she is today. She now champions the popular climate change and global
warming debate that is increasingly reaching each person’s doorstep.

Nevertheless, we might ask the question of why Malaysian tertiary institutes
are not equally full of such activity and rigour? Is it possible to imagine
college campuses that cultivate intellectual rigour through enlightened
political theories, and then encouraging advocacy of important current
issues?

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Analysis of the MidTerm Review of the 9MP

I do such a crappy job of upkeeping my blog, sometimes I wonder if it’s worth having at all! Anyway, it’ll just be an avenue to store all my various writings elsewhere I suppose. Here goes…

More info needed on mid-term review of 9MP

By TRICIA YEOH

A brief analysis of the Mid-Term Review of the 9th Malaysia Plan.

THE Mid-Term Review (MTR) of the Ninth Malaysia Plan (2006-2010) was tabled in Parliament last Thursday and will be hotly debated this week.

It paints a glossy picture of sound macroeconomic fundamentals over the past two years and credit must be given to the focus on eradicating poverty, providing affordable housing, water, electricity, healthcare, and improving the standard of living of marginalised groups.

It also acknowledges the impact of the slowing global economy on Malaysia and the need to respond accordingly.

Upon closer perusal, however, the MTR lacks the pizzazz that many were looking forward to.

While the MTR provides a progress report, it seems to be an academic exercise and fails to introduce any new measures to address increasingly crucial issues. The MTR fails to impress on three main counts.

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Islamic Democracy

Finished reading “No God but God”, Reza Aslan’s book recently, and it is an excellent read. It charts out the entire history of Islam, dating from pre-Prophet Muhammad (pbuh) Arabia and consequent developments, making it simple for the layman to comprehend origins of the Shiite-Sunni divide, how Islam is not homogeneous since there are multiple interpretations of its theology and practice. Two points struck out:

First, the description of Sufism, which as we know is the mystical understanding of Islam, the nafs (desire) that longs for unattainable union with God the Creator, and insatiable love. In the story of Layla and Majmun, the lovers are initially banned from seeing the other, and after years of separation, develop the sort of deep, aching love that even upon finally meeting, cannot actuate. The intense longing is best left as it is, since proximity would be too intoxicating for either party. The Conference of the Birds outlines the birds who travel far and wide to discover wisdom, only to find that it is the journey itself that has developed their characters that way inclined. Sufism is the mystical journey towards full knowledge of God, best described but not defined.

The second is that the Muslim world has struggled for centuries to come to a thorough understanding of the governance of an Islamic state. Prophet Muhammad himself attempted this model, and years later debates ensue on the best practice of a society based on rules of justice, fair governance permeating all levels of public life. It also struck me that the author says, what we have today is not as much an external problem between the Muslim and Western worlds, but rather – an internal struggle within Islam.

Finally, the author states in an almost enlightened manner the following:

Democracy, if it is to be viable and enduring, can never be imported. It must be nurtured from within, founded upon familiar ideologies, and presented in a language that is both comprehensible and appealing to the indigenous population.

I think this is a wise saying, not because I disagree with international standards and international laws. I do agree with these principles, but it is more true that until and unless democracy is driven by the local community for which it will serve, and birthed out of such a context, then importation of ideals will never work (even if to the pleasure of a minority community). I may be lambasted for these, but I believe these are debateable points yet.

This is all the more pertinent as I observe workings within the Muslim world here. The Ummah is considered the “People of the Book”, but some agree it is to include all of humanity i.e. God’s creations. The call is for all to work together in securing peace and harmony. There are few people who would disagree with principles of democracy but there are ways in which one announces it, or fights for it, that is less subversive for the host country. Feeling the pulse of the nations here, Islamic democracy has a chance to flourish and it must be given its own space and chance to do so.

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Travelnotes: Cambodia

Cambodia is a sweet, slow moving country about ten years behind Vietnam. It still lives, however, in the shadow of its past Khmer Rouge in several senses. First and most prominent to me is that it has an over reliance on foreign funding. Many developed countries applaud the UNTAC agreement as helping to establish some level of governance in the country, but the reality is it did what it could, then wiping its hands clean in the interim period, post conflict and pre Cambodian self rule.

The Cambodia People’s Party has almost absolute power in the country, giving the strongest opposition party Sam Rainsy Party a hard time. The foreign community has poured tens of thousands of dollars into the local community, through international NGOs and partner NGOs within the country. They work closely on a number of core issues, mainly on human rights, advovacy and capacity building on development, youth, education, and so on. This has created a sort of buffer effect for the Government. Whenever a particular issue emerges, the international community acts as an in between for the Government and local NGOs. Donor aid is lucrative and so good relationships have to be maintained between them.

It is the strength of the CPP party that bulldozes its way through, perpetuating corruption within Government and not having to answer for any of its mismanagement practices. They are still very popular amongst the rural folk, because they never fail to promise greater development to their local communities. They also invoke the past – bringing up their ability to correct the mistakes of the Khmer Rouge regime – to instill fear amongst the people (forgetting that many of the leaders within Government were themselves party to the violence instated). Note: The Khmer Rouge Tribunal is taking place right now, although money from the Cambodian Government is running out.

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A Delayed Post on Elections

This was first published on the ROH Malaysia website, at www.rohmalaysia.net

Commentary on Malaysia’s 12th General Elections 2008
For Revolution of Hope (RoH Malaysia)

by Tricia Yeoh
April 2008

For those who have toiled many years fighting injustice in Malaysia, the results of the 12th General Election was considered vindication. Growing frustration with the administration led to what has been called a “political tsunami”, leading to the stronghold Barisan Nasional coalition losing its two-thirds majority at Parliament level. More shocking was its loss of four states, leaving the loose Opposition coalition to lead five State Governments in total, also unprecedented since Malaysia’s independence in 1957.
There were certainly a host of factors leading to this watershed event. Touted very much as an elections in which people exercised punishment votes, the percentage of popular vote for the coalition Government fell from 63% in 2004 to 51.2% in 2008, showing only slightly more than half of Malaysia’s voting population showing support for the present administration. These “push” variables have been charted out in analytic terms, listed in simple order as state corruption, inflation, displeasure with the New Economic Policy and its accompanying preferential policies for the Bumiputera community (made up of Malays and natives of the land) resulting in gross intra-ethnic socio economic disparity, issues of religious freedom, the economy, and the general perception of institutional and structural failures (the judiciary and police are two in particular).

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Scary Similarities: Malaysia & South Africa

During the Minda Muda Launch in KL a week or so ago, I was asked by a member of the audience whether there were any other countries that we could compare Malaysia with. I said yes, South Africa is the closest one could think of. Indeed, a friend is doing his PhD in comparative economic analysis between the two countries.

How similar, though, the two countries were, I wasn’t sure until an enlightening conversation today.

We compared the political and economic systems of the two, and agreed that both were living under a time bomb that if not addressed immediately, would implode soon, scarring the country and its occupants permanently.

Ironically enough, South Africa was duly impressed by the affirmative action policy in Malaysia, so much so that it adopted it wholesale in 1994, giving a twenty year period for its implementation. Back then, the freedom fighters released the country from its repressive apartheid system, oppressing the black community. Today, preferential policies are given to the advantage of the blacks over the whites in almost all spheres of public life. This is an exact replica of what we have in Malaysia.

Affirmative action policies come in the form of: Requirements for the blacks at managerial, employment and shareholders’ levels, where 25% of shareholdings should come from blacks, 40% of employment. Procurement should also be given to black service providers, such that many white companies conveniently promoted their black sweepers to become CEOs immediately, but merely as puppet leaders since they have little decision-making abilities.

Just like Malaysia, economic power is concentrated on a small number of black families. Where banking rules require 25% of the shares to be owned by blacks, 16% of this has already been sold off to a group of 5 rich black businessmen, who own 90% of this wealth (the remaining 10% is distributed equitably, but this means only 1.6% of the banking wealth is benefiting 250,000 blacks). The other 9% yet to be sold off is being bidded by a team of 3 very rich black guys as well.

The principle is that whilst a percentage of corporate equity is intended to be distributed to the marginalised community in a country, it should be done such that all members would benefit. Instead, affirmative action policies merely transfer wealth from one elite community to another. The same has taken place here.

They were wise in installing a time factor to their policy, but the bad thing was: They achieved in 10 years what they were to have in 20. The argument is therefore that the policy should stop right now. The same can be said of Malaysia, but worse – it was supposed to have ended in 1991, but it is now 2008 and it does not look like anything will change under a Barisan Nasional government.

Policies aside, their political leaders have equally scary similarities as well. Thabo Mbeki has been losing his popularity because positions himself as a highflying intellectual, cream of the crop from London, surrounding himself with a team of Londoners. Zuma on the other hand emerged from the ranks of the people, considered a left wing peoples representative, close to labour unions and the social democrats. Within the party support is growing for Zuma, and many suspect next years’ national Elections will mirror closely what happened in Malaysia this year.

Mbeki’s government is in utter denial of the real situation in South Africa. My conversant quipped, “Mbeki claims nobody has died of AIDS, and technically he is correct!” (People do not die of AIDS itself, of course – it is an influenza attack that kills you off, after the HIV virus has so weakened your immunity system. They are under an illusion that there is no crime in the country – when in reality, people live daily with thick walls, high gates, security guards, alarm systems, and rapid response teams. The Foreign Affairs Minister is camping in China, when in reality the situation in Zimbabwe needs dealing with urgently instead. This is reminiscent of BN that was unable to deal with the public’s sentiments before March 8th 2008. (things are supposed to have theoretically changed…. but…)

Drawing parallels, responses have varied significantly, some people blaming implementation of the policy instead of the policy itself. I emphasise that the policy itself is at fault. Attaching race to any affirmative action policy is suicide for any country, because it lays the ground and provides great room for wastage, abuse and corruption – based on its very technical definition. Better it would be for needs to be considered the qualifying factor.

Shame on Malaysia for preaching this suicidal policy to South Africa. Woe betide any other country that is even considering “learning” from us. Whilst there are certainly short term gains for the marginalised community, its long term liabilities will be destructive, and I caution against it wholeheartedly.

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