Sustainable Cities: Environment Issues in Penang and Selangor

First Published in the Penang Economic Monthly, hmm.. either the February or March 2010 issue, I forget. One of those 😀 

Sustainable Cities in Penang and Selangor: Are We? 

(On Environmental and Sustainability Issues)

Much has been said about the little that emerged from the United Nations Climate Change Conference in Copenhagen last December 2009. Well, the Copenhagen Accord was finally signed by major economies including the US and China, committing to limit the rise in global temperatures to two degrees Celsius. However, there were no specified caps on emissions to achieve this objective, and neither were there legal conditions to keep this in check. Although much more could and should have been accomplished, the global uproar over its lack thereof reflected the significant shift worldwide towards environmental concerns.

Climate change and environmental issues have been the buzz phrases of the past two years, partly thanks to Hollywood’s documentaries “An Inconvenient Truth” and “The 11th Hour”, which address the growing fears of carbon emissions and climate change. According to the International Energy Agency, Malaysia emitted 6.68 tonnes of carbon dioxide per capita in 2007, more than twice the world’s average and ranking it the fourth highest in the region after Brunei, Taipei and Singapore. However, compared to these three countries, Malaysia’s emission per capita percentage change between 1990 and 2007 was the highest, growing by a massive 143%.

Malaysia’s Record

Malaysia’s expanding carbon footprint jolted the Federal Government into including “Green Technology” as part of the Ministry of Energy and Water’s portfolio and in July 2009 launched its National Green Technology Policy, although a plan has not yet been released. More recently, Prime Minister Najib made a bold pledge during the Copenhagen conference to reduce carbon emissions by 40 per cent within the next 10 years, which seems rather bold given increasing emphases on establishing Malaysia as a regional aviation hub and dismal attempts at improving public transportation services.

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Youth Empowerment and Participation

I was invited to speak at the National Christian Youth Assembly in December 2009, on the theme of “Youth Empowerment and Participation.” You will note that there is nothing religious or theological about my speech, which is in line with my belief that young people of all races and religions ought to be equally empowered and inspired to make a difference in this country – in whichever field they would like, and within whichever group whose cause they ultimately believe in. 

This was to a bunch of eager young people, wanting to do something for their country, Malaysia. The National Assembly was apolitical. 

Youth Empowerment and Participation

National Christian Youth Assembly, Kuala Lumpur

12th December 2009

We all love an inspiring story when we have one. While Malaysia’s story is still unfolding, I’d like to take a page out of another book the world has now come to learn and understand. This is the fairy-tale story of Obama’s ascent to Presidency. I won’t speak about the issues he campaigned on, or the ideological policies of the Democratic Party today, but I do want to focus on the incredible wave of youth participation that contributed significantly to his win.

The reason I cite examples from Obama’s campaign so often – in other public talks and this – is because I was physically present in the United States during the last two weeks leading up to, and including, the actual US Election itself in 2008. The experience was an excellent opportunity to observe and interview the new young generation of Americans so eager to contribute to change in society, country and the world. Let’s use them as a case study today.

Obamania

Were young Americans always this way? It would take days to debate the ebb and flow of youth political participation in the United States over the years, but the answer is: apathy had set in deep during the years of then President-Bush Junior, where any engagement was deemed as futile. For political analysts, this sudden shift and wind of change, the awakening of millions of young people across the country, was a phenomenon indeed.

Authors Winograd and Hais hit the pin on its head in their book “Millennial Makeover: MySpace, YouTube and the Future of American Politics”[1] in their analysis of the generation that caught the political bug. In describing them, they say the following:

A new generation, Millennials, born between 1982 and 2003, is coming of age in unprecedented numbers. The Millennials bring with them a facility and comfort with cutting-edge communicaiton and computing technologies that is creating the same kind of bewilderment that parents of television-addicted Baby Boomers felt in the 1950s and 1960s… Recent survey research on the political attitudes of this generation shows a high tolerance for lifestyle and ethnic differences and support for an activist approach by government to societal and economic issues. Millennials are united across gender and race in their desire to find “win-win” solutions to America’s problems.”

Other parts of their analysis described their optimistic attitudes, inclusivist views, and how Millennials think politics can make things better. For example,

“Millennials disagree with their elders in their level of faith in the political process to resolve problems and improve things… and are much more likely than older generations to believe that the government is run for the benefit of all the people.”

The Millennial generation in America, with their unique combination of technological gadgetry and prowess, and their changing attitudes towards systems and institutions, proved a powerful force for the taking. Obama, who had his pulse on the nation, was able to identify with what tugged at their heart-strings, spoke an honest and clear message to them: “Change We Can”. And the rest is history, as they say. Thousands upon thousands of youth volunteers and part-time staff were mobilised, emerging in social phenomenon such as “Obamagirl”, a young 21-year old leading the entire Obama campaign in his home state of Chicago, American-born Chinese (ABCs) and Vietnamese flocking to his service centres. Citizens across the globe contributed to his fund, USD10 or so right from their pockets.

Malaysiaku

I am not saying that Malaysia is in any way comparable to the United States of America. Neither am I claiming that our youth behave in the exact same manner, nor should we be emulating the patterns that followed there. What I am saying, however, is this:

  1. It is important to know what is making our millennial generation tick in order to transmit a message (political or otherwise) to our Malaysian youth.
  2. It is then necessary to take this message in the manner that is most viral and one that captures the imagination of our young to motivate them towards social action.

Malaysians are a social bunch, which stems from our communal nature. This spurs us towards group meetings at the mamak stalls. In fact, we love conferences as a result! Think of the number of forums and events that exist practically daily (and nightly). As of March 2009, there were more than 1 million active users of Facebook[2], with the most active users being between the ages of 18 and 25, followed by that of 26-34. More astoundingly, Malaysia has the highest number of Facebook users in Southeast Asia. Conclusion: we love to talk and get people to listen to us. Youth with Internet access increased from 57% in 2007 to 70% in 2008[3].

What does all this have to do with anything? A lot!

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Second Malaysia: Economic Reform for a New Malaysia

Sometime last year (I think it was the first quarter of 2009), I was asked to write a piece on economic reform for a “Second Malaysia”. It was for (at the time) a new and upcoming Chinese alternative website called The Rock News. Today, the site is flourishing- congratulations is owed to its facilitators. They were doing a series of articles focusing on different areas such as culture, history, the arts, judiciary, and the topic requested of me was economics. The target audience was for a very pop-heavy reading group (if I remember correctly) hence kept as general reading. 

Of course, me being me (a “Cina murtad”), I cannot read Chinese and hence never knew if my article finally got translated and published. [Aside: As far as I know, my maternal great grandmother came from Java and blended into the Peranakan society upon reaching Peninsular Malaya, so no feelings of guilt here!]

Second Malaysia:

Economic Reform for Birthing a New Malaysia

Tricia Yeoh

Ordinary Malaysians like you and I know that Malaysia’s economic performance has only been lacklustre in recent years. We have gone past the stage of convincing ourselves that those announcements painting a glowing picture of financial health and vibrancy had anything substantial about them. The frustrating thing about it is that Malaysia had all the right factors to make the equation work: abundant natural resources, strategic location, perfect weather conditions with no natural disasters, good soil, and a generally stable political climate. Perhaps it is possible to state that Malaysia had good economic growth in the past two decades, yes. But to pat ourselves on the back claiming that we outdid ourselves is farcical; Malaysia has never lived up to its true economic potential, and this will not change unless some drastic economic reform is undertaken immediately.

March 8th 2008 marked the birth of a new political Malaysia, one in which individuals finally saw the potential of their decisions in changing a leadership landscape. With the Pakatan Rakyat controlling five state governments (now reduced to four with the recent onslaught on Perak) and denying the Barisan Nasional its traditional two-third majority at Parliament level, citizens finally felt the political impasse had broken through. Subject to debate, the ground conditions for democracy have been ripe and raw for the consuming, people more willing and eager to express themselves. Except for the rule of law that the present Federal Government seems too ignorant of, Malaysian society is experiencing a new chapter in its political history.

The same cannot be said of the economic system of the nation. Where freedom of expression has prospered, economic principle has faltered. For forty years Malaysia has tasted stale, irrelevant policy crafted in a manner intended to pacify instead of liberate, break down instead of build up for the most part. What is needed to carry the country forward is a breakdown of our current economic model and a revolutionary reconstruction of a new one.

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CAT in action – Pakatan Rakyat States

First published in the Penang Economic Monthly, February 2010 Issue. 

CAT in Action: Competency, Accountability and Transparency in the Pakatan States

Tricia Yeoh

One of the electoral themes that took the now-governing Pakatan Rakyat states by storm was that of transparency and accountability. Indeed, harsh criticisms of corruption, financial mismanagement, wastage and abuse of power was levelled against their predecessor Barisan Nasional at both the state and national level. The stories worked: voters were angry and disgusted at their tax-paying money having gone down the drain to advantage a privileged few. Indeed, Malaysia dropped from 47th in 2008 to 56th place in 2009, in Transparency International’s Corruptions Perceptions Index, its worst ranking in 15 years.

Two years into their administration, what exactly has been done in order to fulfill their pledges of CAT – competency, accountability and transparency – that the Pakatan Rakyat states have waxed lyrical about? This article explores the attempts made by the state governments in improving administrative efficiency through transparency and accountability measures and the challenges encountered therein.

The reason for placing transparency as a priority is simple: the more information that is available to the public from the administration, the more likely it is for governments to behave responsibly in order to uphold standards and commitments. This also allows citizens to obtain, analyse, and evaluate for themselves details about projects carried out by the government. A mature democracy requires that people are in this manner empowered. However, transparency is often a principle that many leaders champion yet fail to translate into reality. It is easy to make motherhood statements and pronouncements of reform, as Malaysians recall former Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi doing, but the devil lies in the detail, where laborious standards and stringent guidelines are required.

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Towards Better Urban Public Transport

Again, first published in the Penang Economic Monthly.. I think the March 2010 issue.

Towards Better Urban Public Transport

Tricia Yeoh

The image of a CEO with a full business suit opting to hop on an LRT or monorail instead of taking his chaffeur-driven car is not one we would imagine, although this is common practice in countries with an efficient public transport system. Singapore, for example, has more than 60 percent of its population taking public transport, a drastic difference from Malaysia with only 10 percent. Today, only 60 percent of the population resides within 400 metres of a public transport route. Anyone residing in Penang or the Klang Valley can testify to experiencing horrid traffic jams and wasting hours weaving through a daily gridlock on the road.

There are many factors leading to the massive traffic congestion in the urban centres of both Penang and the Klang Valley today, one of which was the government’s past policy of increasing cars on the road thereby supporting the local car industry. Instead of attempting to limit private vehicles on roads, this led to the commissioning of elevated highways and additional bridges. Mandatory payments for city access during peak hours would have instead reduced the number of cars on the road. There needs to therefore be a modal shift away from private to public transport use.

Too Many Cooks

The other major problem is the multiple players involved in managing public transport in Malaysia, unwieldy and terribly uncoordinated. The Ministry of Transport (MOT) regulates the overall transportation network but is generally not involved in its maintenance or network planning. The Ministry of Finance (MOF) owns – through MOF Incorporated – the government-linked companies, Prasarana Berhad which builds or buys public transportation assets, Prasarana subsidiaries RapidKL Sdn. Bhd., RapidPenang Sdn. Bhd., and KLStarrail Sdn. Bhd., which operates the assets owned by Prasarana, and Keretapi Tanah Melayu Berhad (KTMB). If you think that’s complicated, there’s more.

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Federal-State Relations in Malaysia

First published in the Penang Economic Monthly.

Revisiting the Federalist System:

Federal-State Relations in Malaysia

Tricia Yeoh

Although Malaysia is officially a federalism, over the years the central government has responded to the opposition by tightening their terms of power sharing across tiers. This has even more interesting dimensions when one considers the political developments that have taken place in light of the March 2008 election results, where the “opposition” became the state governments of five states in the country. Now officially governing in Penang, Selangor, Kedah and Kelantan (the status of government in Perak is debateable), what effects has this predominantly centralised government had on the way Pakatan states operate? How have Pakatan states especially in Penang and Selangor responded to this situation? What are the alternatives available to these state governments, given current limitations?

There are several reasons for this highly centralised government, although by definition a federalism is one in which the federal and state governments have their separate and distinctive powers. In its proper form, it is a system of government that allows simultaneous recognition of diversity and common identity. In a country as diverse as Malaysia, federalism would be an ideal system of ensuring states preserve their individual and regional identities. However, despite the fact that Malaysia is a federalism, this exists perhaps only on paper especially in recent years.

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The “Allah” Debate – from 11th Jan 2010

“Allah” Debate: Dealing with False Insecurities

11th Jan 2010 (Published in Malaysiakini here)

Tricia Yeoh

News of the recent series of attacks against churches across Malaysia has sent shockwaves to all. Although there have been tensions in the past few years between different religious groups, few imagined that these could ever descend into violence such as the kind experienced recently. Within three days, there were arson attacks on at least eight churches in various locations throughout the country (in Klang Valley, Perak, Melaka, Sarawak and Seremban), in which the Metro Tabernacle church had its ground floor (its administrative office) entirely destroyed.

Although police investigations are ongoing, many speculate that the attacks were linked to a controversial court ruling on the 31st December 2009, effectively allowing the Catholic newsletter The Herald to use “Allah” in reference to God in its Malay edition. “Allah” has been used for God amongst the Malay-speaking East Malaysian Christians for centuries, but problems only arose in 2007 when the Home Ministry threatened not to renew The Herald’s publishing licence. Some have insinuated that it was only after the newsletter began carrying critical pieces against the government that the clampdown began.

The court ruling has stirred uneasiness amongst certain sections of the Muslim community, and this has been aggravated by regular racist and inflammatory articles in a mainstream newspaper Utusan Malaysia. These groups say it loud and clear that “Allah is for Muslims only”. It is therefore important to identify the various fears and insecurities involved in this highly emotional issue.

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Welcome Back to Blogosphere

Hello. It’s been many moons I have not written, due to a multitude of factors, of which I shall not bore you. To re-begin, I shall now post articles I’ve written for random publications in recent months. They may be stale, but for Malaysia, where many things change rapidly, the issues remain the same. We’re circling the roundabouts many times over, chasing our own tails.

But here you go. To those interested in reading, welcome back to Tricia Yeoh’s lair.

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Water management: Selangor can borrow buckets from Penang

Water management: Selangor can borrow buckets from Penang

(First published in Penang Monthly’s inaugural issue in December 2009).

The new political situation in Malaysia means greater diversity in how problems are perceived and how they can be solved. Policy competition between states also means that each state has more opportunities to learn from others. This is welcome because some of the challenges these states face today are enormous.

Reports of the intense water battle in Selangor have featured in the mainstream media throughout 2009. Most of these speak of tensions arising between the Selangor State Government and the Federal Government, or with water concession companies, over its attempts to reach a solution in its consolidation exercise. Numerous incidents have peppered the exchange, and it is difficult to determine whether a successful outcome will be achieved in the near future.

This is unfortunate as the water industry is already muddled with problems and a solution needs to be reached immediately.

Although the Selangor government is pressed for time and seeks an urgent resolution, there are other parties involved which have posed stumbling blocks. It is important to present the background behind this mess.

The source of the problem

The Selangor water services industry represents all that went wrong with Malaysia’s overzealous privatisation policy. The need to restructure the water industry is itself an admission of this failure.

In the past, the Selangor water industry was managed by the state itself, including control of water resources and water treatment, whilst water distribution was handled by Jabatan Bekalan Air Selangor

(JBAS), also a state agency. However, when the-then Prime Minister Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamed proceeded to privatise public entities, lucrative water concessions were given to private companies. Eventually, JBAS was corporatised into Perbadanan Urus Air Selangor (PUAS), and later privatised into Syarikat Bekalan Air Selangor (Syabas). The water treatment operations were privatised, and concessions given for periods of up to 30 years to three separate companies – Konsortium Abass, Syarikat Pengeluar Air Sungai Selangor (Splash) and Puncak Niaga Sdn Bhd (Puncak).

The original reasons for privatisation were:

• To increase efficiency based on supposed professional industrial expertise, and

• To let the private sector take responsibility for the water industry and thus leave the government free to focus on policy decisions.

Even if these reasons were justified, in reality, the concessions were given to companies whose managements had no experience in the water industry to begin with. These eventually became loss-making entities which ran up huge amounts of debts. The quality of water, and of service delivery, became extremely poor. The companies have been criticised for being favoured for their close contact with the political fraternity.

The mad scramble to privatise the water services industry therefore left it badly fragmentated:

• The state government controls raw water resources,

• Three separate concessionaires are in charge of water treatment operations, and

• One company handles water distribution.

Although the state government owns shares in Abass and Splash, and also Syabas through its state company Kumpulan Darul Ehsan Bhd (KDEB), this does not allow it to manage the water industry holistically.

The Water Services Industry Act adopted in 2006 was supposed to reverse the fragmentation of the water industry. Some quarters propound that infrastructure utilities such as water services, health services and public transportation should not be privately owned, and public services are not compatible with profit incentives. More market-driven proponents believe that if done correctly, privatised entities can indeed provide an efficient alternative to state-run monopolies. True privatisation, untouched by corruption and cronyism, leads to healthy competition, improvement in services and lower prices, which benefit the public.

Whatever the case, the way the Selangor water industry was privatised has produced undeniably disastrous results.

Reversing the flow

In 2006, the Federal Government grandiosely embarked on an upriver journey to remedy the situation. Two Bills – the Water Services Industry Act and the Water Services Commission Act – were passed and “water services” was transferred from the State List to the Concurrent List in the Federal Constitution, thereby giving federal and state governments joint jurisdiction over water issues. Next, the Cabinet in early 2008 decided that the restructuring of Selangor’s water industry would be led by the state government itself.

Little did they foresee that the results of the general elections in March 2008 would capsize their plans. The opposition front took over Selangor.

For a start, things were not hostile. In fact, the state government agreed to all points raised in the WSIA and to the Federal Government’s noble intention of consolidating the fragmented companies and forming a holistic entity. In its model, the state government would transfer some of its assets, along with the concession companies’ assets, to Pengurusan Aset Air Bhd (PAAB), which was formed under the Ministry of Energy, Water and Communications for this very purpose.) PAAB would then be the sole licensee, operating everything from raw water to water treatment right up to water distribution. It would hire a new and independent management with solid international experience, replace pipes, and improve water services significantly.

Trouble came at several different stages and from different quarters. The Federal Government claimed that the state government deliberately delayed the consolidation exercise. The truth was that the concession companies were not satisfied with the offers made, and were negotiating for a higher amount.

Selangor had already given them what it considered fair and reasonable returns on their injected capital (at a 12 per cent rate, which is justified based on termination rates found within the concession agreement itself), as well as 1 x Book Value on their assets. Most recently, two out of four concession companies have accepted the state’s offer (with some provisional clauses yet to be finalised). However, without the other two, it is still uncertain what the Federal Government will do. In fact, it has the power to terminate concession agreements if the minister believes it is in the national interest to do so.

Unfortunately, the ties between the Federal Government and concession companies Syabas and Puncak are extremely strong, and it is almost impossible to extricate the demands of one from the other. The fact that Puncak sponsors the Umno (leading party in the Barisan Nasional ruling coalition) general assembly every year says something about the independence – or lack thereof – of this concession company. Where favours are granted one way, it is invariable for it to be likewise granted for the other’s mutual benefit. You scratch my back, and I scratch yours.

Worse, Syabas is said to have breached crucial parts of its concession agreement, including giving more than 72 per cent of contracts worth RM600mil to selected companies, hence failing to practise open tenders. RM51.2mil was used to renovate its office when only RM23.2mil had been approved, amongst other things. These reflect badly on a professional company that’s supposed to exercise transparency and public accountability.

Learning from Penang

This regular mess could have been avoided if the previous BN state government had been able to exercise

some wisdom and foresight. Because it privatised a loss-making entity from PUAS, Syabas would never have sufficient capex (capital expenditure) to replace pipes and reduce non-revenue water (NRW). It would have to constantly rely on state and federal funding, which contradicts the reasons for privatisation in the first place.

Penang, on the other hand, is a role model that should and could still be emulated. Perbadanan Bekalan Air (PBA) was corporatised – and not privatised – in 1999 to serve Penang as a professional corporate body. Its level of services is unprecedented in the country and it runs a very efficient call centre and corporate website. Its NRW was as low as 16.9 per cent in 2007, a stark contrast to Selangor’s 38 per cent in that same year. In fact, Penang’s NRW is one of the lowest in the world, a record that the islanders should certainly be proud of.

In addition, its good track record is reflected in its low and competitive tariff rates. Penang has one of the lowest tariff rates in the country, an average of 31 sen per 1,000 litres compared with Selangor’s rate of 72 sen for the same amount (without taking into account the free water for the first 20m3 per month). Penang has thus been able to successfully corporatise its water body, provide low water tariffs, and still enhance its NRW to its current rates. Of course, both states are very different and comparisons are difficult: Penang is a self-contained island; Selangor is a sprawling state. Nevertheless, there is much that Selangor can learn from Penang.

For the rakyat

The water services industry’s ultimate objective should be to serve the rakyat. This, in fact, was a primary reason why the Selangor government insisted on leading the consolidation exercise. It had after all pledged to reduce tariffs and increase service quality. By paying concessionaires a whopping amount for their companies (over and above what is reasonable), the state would effectively be lining their already well-oiled pockets with money taken directly from taxpayers. This is a double whammy for citizens, who would have first paid high amounts in taxes, and then have to, cover the ridiculously high compensation paid to concession companies.

As highlighted at the start, the problems faced in the Selangor water industry are an accurate reflection of the nation’s failed privatisation policy. We see this pattern replicated in other industries, toll concessions and healthcare services. The intentions of the Mahathir era to improve efficiency through the Malaysia.

Incorporated agenda were noble, but then again, the road to hell is often paved with good intentions, as they say.

The days of cronies in shining armour paid for by the rakyat must end, and this is precisely what the Selangor government is attempting to achieve in its battle over water.

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For ordinary Men and Women

I wrote a review recently in the Sun on Liew Chin Tong’s book…  Here it is!

For ordinary men and women
Tricia Yeoh


SPEAKING for the Reformasi Generation by Liew Chin Tong (Bukit Bendera MP) compiles the author’s writings between 2003 and 2009. It traces the thoughts and struggles of a Malaysian’s political awakening birthed out of the Reformasi movement of 1998. His views, sometimes frustrated but mostly rational, epitomise those of his comrades, making this book an important read since many who were bitten by the “reformasi” bug in their youth are today significant public figures.

This sentiment is captured perfectly by Liew in his personal recount of his participation in the protest against Anwar’s arrest. He states that the “cramped pilgrimage for justice” is “the deepest common bond among the leaders of Pakatan Rakyat”.

However, far from romanticising a singular event, Liew demonstrates incredible grasp of political realities. His passion for political governance is shown through prolific writings from party politics to administrative reform. In my conversations with Liew I have found a rare combination of idealism and pragmatism.

With pride, he says that “Malaysia has been in search of an alternative to Barisan Nasional, and Pakatan Rakyat is an idea whose time has come”… and is “likely to survive for a long time”.

This prediction is an optimistic one – rightly so, written by a Pakatan member – but nevertheless warrants attention. It is a stark reminder amid arising doubts that Pakatan needs to prove itself as a “viable alternative” by succeeding in its state governments.

According to Liew, though, co-operation among the three parties has improved tremendously. The “day-to-day working relationship” forces each member party to think along national lines instead. “The cultural breakthrough that sees PAS accepted by non-Malays and DAP by the Malays is gaining momentum,” recently culminating in the first Malay DAP (Democratic Action Party, of which the author is a member) branch formed.

One respects Liew’s boldness in being one of the few Chinese to study PAS (Parti Islam Se-Malaysia) with great interest. An entire section is dedicated to PAS – not only in a rigorously analytical manner, but in a genuine attempt at understanding their religious philosophies. His inclinations towards the Erdogan faction are clear, while his respect for PAS is evident in a column dedicated to the late president of PAS, “In Memory of Fadzil Noor”, whom he attributes as providing the reformasi movement “one of its most important organisational supports in the early days”.

The relationship among the three Pakatan parties is key, and this book underscores the importance of forming common objectives subsequently informed to the public. The Pakatan convention in December may be an appropriate avenue for this.

Lest he is accused of mere “politicking”, Liew presents clear government reform measures. He repeats the mantra of “a better Parliament”, through increased budgetary Parliament allocation to improve its facilities, and live telecast of its debates. The reader finds it shocking that these fundamental needs are not provided for.

Liew also raises important reforms on public transport and for Kuala Lumpur to have an elected government.

Liew succeeds in planting a question in the reader’s mind: “How much longer can we be complacent about Malaysia’s dire situation?” And indeed, he has taken up the responsibility of being an elected representative, the less-trodden path of his peers. Through his writings, a strong sense of idealism seeps through, although he admits that “politics is about perception”.

And perception seems to be the name of the game these days. Most prominent, however, is Liew’s opinion of Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak. His Achilles heel lies in his very heritage, which is “(his) political blue blood and … inability to comprehend the common man’s life and needs”. This observation is visibly contrasted against his own raison d’etre where “reformasi was not just about Anwar; it was very much about us.”

Perhaps then, this is what the reformasi generation has sought to represent. The needs and dreams of the everyday Malaysian. It is my hope that Pakatan Rakyat can encapsulate exactly this: the lives of “ordinary men and women”, as Liew so accurately writes.

Tricia Yeoh serves as research officer in the Selangor State Government. The views expressed here are her own.

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